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Nick Clegg faces battle with party left as it looks for a 'true liberal' path Nick Clegg faces battle with party left as it looks for a 'true liberal' path
(7 months later)
As midnight fell on Brighton's sea front, Tim Farron, the Liberal Democrat president, was practically skipping as he exchanged banter with his young aides on the way to a late-night drinks party, following a convivial evening of balti and beer at a curry house.As midnight fell on Brighton's sea front, Tim Farron, the Liberal Democrat president, was practically skipping as he exchanged banter with his young aides on the way to a late-night drinks party, following a convivial evening of balti and beer at a curry house.
Less than nine hours later, opening the party's spring conference on Saturday, he told the few party members who had dragged themselves to the Hilton Metropole's cavernous conference hall early enough for the morning session that, despite enduring "the worst possible" circumstances: "We are resurgent."Less than nine hours later, opening the party's spring conference on Saturday, he told the few party members who had dragged themselves to the Hilton Metropole's cavernous conference hall early enough for the morning session that, despite enduring "the worst possible" circumstances: "We are resurgent."
It can be assumed that Farron, looking a little pale, wasn't only talking about himself. The Lib Dems are undeniably delighted by their victory in the byelection battle of Eastleigh in Hampshire.It can be assumed that Farron, looking a little pale, wasn't only talking about himself. The Lib Dems are undeniably delighted by their victory in the byelection battle of Eastleigh in Hampshire.
The worst possible circumstances, referred to by Farron, included the resignation of the former energy secretary Chris Huhne from his Eastleigh seat after pleading guilty to perverting the course of justice (it emerged yesterday that he has also been prompted by officials to resign from the party and privy council); the disclosure of Lord Rennard's allegedly inappropriate behaviour with female party colleagues; and the public relations disaster that was the did-he-didn't-he farce over whether Nick Clegg had been previously aware of allegations against the party's former chief executive before Channel 4 news brought them into the public domain.The worst possible circumstances, referred to by Farron, included the resignation of the former energy secretary Chris Huhne from his Eastleigh seat after pleading guilty to perverting the course of justice (it emerged yesterday that he has also been prompted by officials to resign from the party and privy council); the disclosure of Lord Rennard's allegedly inappropriate behaviour with female party colleagues; and the public relations disaster that was the did-he-didn't-he farce over whether Nick Clegg had been previously aware of allegations against the party's former chief executive before Channel 4 news brought them into the public domain.
Winning in Eastleigh, despite all this, has seemingly put a spring in Farron's step. But his good temper may also be explained by the resurgence in the party of that wing who believe greater differentiation from the Tories, in both tone and substance, is the key to Lib Dem success.Winning in Eastleigh, despite all this, has seemingly put a spring in Farron's step. But his good temper may also be explained by the resurgence in the party of that wing who believe greater differentiation from the Tories, in both tone and substance, is the key to Lib Dem success.
There is a sense that the Liberal Democrats won in Eastleigh by being Liberals, cocking a snook at their government partners and ripping up the coalition etiquette book.There is a sense that the Liberal Democrats won in Eastleigh by being Liberals, cocking a snook at their government partners and ripping up the coalition etiquette book.
The strong presence of this sentiment inside the party is why the rebellion within it over the government's plans to allow evidence held by the security services to be heard in private and without scrutiny by defence lawyers during civil cases – popularly known as the plan for "secret courts" – is so potentially dangerous. It hints at tectonic shifts within Clegg's party to which the deputy prime minister needs to be sharp, insiders say.The strong presence of this sentiment inside the party is why the rebellion within it over the government's plans to allow evidence held by the security services to be heard in private and without scrutiny by defence lawyers during civil cases – popularly known as the plan for "secret courts" – is so potentially dangerous. It hints at tectonic shifts within Clegg's party to which the deputy prime minister needs to be sharp, insiders say.
As the Observer reveals today, one of the country's leading human rights barristers, Dinah Rose QC, has now resigned her membership of the party over Clegg's support for the government's justice and security bill, describing it as a betrayal of the party's guiding principles.As the Observer reveals today, one of the country's leading human rights barristers, Dinah Rose QC, has now resigned her membership of the party over Clegg's support for the government's justice and security bill, describing it as a betrayal of the party's guiding principles.
Her decision followed last week's Commons vote pushing through plans to allow more civil courts to sit in secret.Her decision followed last week's Commons vote pushing through plans to allow more civil courts to sit in secret.
Many other members are considering their position and they have won the right for what is expected to be a stormy debate on the issue on Sunday morning.Many other members are considering their position and they have won the right for what is expected to be a stormy debate on the issue on Sunday morning.
Seven of the party's 57 MPs voted against the government's plans for secret courts, including Farron and the deputy leader Simon Hughes.Seven of the party's 57 MPs voted against the government's plans for secret courts, including Farron and the deputy leader Simon Hughes.
This weekend, in Brighton, there is a feeling, some members say, that a segment of the party is loosening its ties to the leadership to champion what many believe is a more authentically liberal path. Comments by Vince Cable, the business secretary, in an interview with the Guardian and at a fringe meeting late on Friday evening suggested that the left of the party is also now even prepared to demand a rethink of the coalition's direction on its top policy priority: the economy.This weekend, in Brighton, there is a feeling, some members say, that a segment of the party is loosening its ties to the leadership to champion what many believe is a more authentically liberal path. Comments by Vince Cable, the business secretary, in an interview with the Guardian and at a fringe meeting late on Friday evening suggested that the left of the party is also now even prepared to demand a rethink of the coalition's direction on its top policy priority: the economy.
Cable called for affluent pensioner perks such as winter fuel payments and free TV licences to be taxed, and proposed up to £15bn of capital spending on house building – less than two weeks before the budget is due to be unveiled.Cable called for affluent pensioner perks such as winter fuel payments and free TV licences to be taxed, and proposed up to £15bn of capital spending on house building – less than two weeks before the budget is due to be unveiled.
At the fringe event for like-minded liberals on the left of the party, he was even more strident in tone. "There is going to be pressure on public spending and I think what we have to make absolutely clear as a party is that there is a difference between managing public spending in that context, we have to have financial wisdom, and the kind of thing that a lot of right-wing Conservatives are pushing for which is Tea Party, some kind of ideological jihad against public spending and public services."At the fringe event for like-minded liberals on the left of the party, he was even more strident in tone. "There is going to be pressure on public spending and I think what we have to make absolutely clear as a party is that there is a difference between managing public spending in that context, we have to have financial wisdom, and the kind of thing that a lot of right-wing Conservatives are pushing for which is Tea Party, some kind of ideological jihad against public spending and public services."
Paul Burstow MP, who was a Liberal Democrat health minister until the last reshuffle, added his voice to those who want to push a distinct economic message. "There is a growing concern that quantitative easing is not putting real money in to the economy and we need to look at what we can do differently to put money into the economy", he said. "The government has been very focused on deficit reduction quite rightly but that shouldn't be at the expense of doing everything we can possible to encourage growth."Paul Burstow MP, who was a Liberal Democrat health minister until the last reshuffle, added his voice to those who want to push a distinct economic message. "There is a growing concern that quantitative easing is not putting real money in to the economy and we need to look at what we can do differently to put money into the economy", he said. "The government has been very focused on deficit reduction quite rightly but that shouldn't be at the expense of doing everything we can possible to encourage growth."
Speaking to the Observer, the former leader Lord Ashdown, who is heading the party's election strategy, said he disagreed that more borrowing would be a panacea for the country's economic problems, adding: "Whether it [Cable's public intervention] is helpful, is for other people to assess." He was also keen to put out a strong message to the party. If they wanted the Liberal Democrats to block secret courts legislation, the parliamentary would "respectfully listen".Speaking to the Observer, the former leader Lord Ashdown, who is heading the party's election strategy, said he disagreed that more borrowing would be a panacea for the country's economic problems, adding: "Whether it [Cable's public intervention] is helpful, is for other people to assess." He was also keen to put out a strong message to the party. If they wanted the Liberal Democrats to block secret courts legislation, the parliamentary would "respectfully listen".
But, he said, "at the end of the day we are representatives not delegates". It was a show of strength and on Sunday Clegg will do the same; he will laud the party for remaining united over the last three years and promise further wins like Eastleigh if they stick with him.But, he said, "at the end of the day we are representatives not delegates". It was a show of strength and on Sunday Clegg will do the same; he will laud the party for remaining united over the last three years and promise further wins like Eastleigh if they stick with him.
Clegg's key message in his main conference speech will be that in Eastleigh the party was not only able to push the Tories in to third but "squeeze" Labour's potential vote.Clegg's key message in his main conference speech will be that in Eastleigh the party was not only able to push the Tories in to third but "squeeze" Labour's potential vote.
In other words, being in government, toeing the Treasury's line on the economy, does not condemn the Liberal Democrats to electoral suicide. "We beat the Tories. We squeezed Labour – don't forget that bit," he will say. "Why? Because for the first time in a generation we could campaign on our record of local delivery and our record of national delivery too.In other words, being in government, toeing the Treasury's line on the economy, does not condemn the Liberal Democrats to electoral suicide. "We beat the Tories. We squeezed Labour – don't forget that bit," he will say. "Why? Because for the first time in a generation we could campaign on our record of local delivery and our record of national delivery too.
"Every leaflet dropped in the Eastleigh campaign combined both. And, when people took a long, hard look they liked what they saw. We didn't win in Eastleigh in spite of being in power. We won in Eastleigh because we're in power – locally and nationally.""Every leaflet dropped in the Eastleigh campaign combined both. And, when people took a long, hard look they liked what they saw. We didn't win in Eastleigh in spite of being in power. We won in Eastleigh because we're in power – locally and nationally."
He will say that now is not the time to revert to protest. "In the days after the byelection, even though we won, I was asked how I feel about our party no longer being a magnet for the protest vote. No longer the automatic 'none of the above' choice", he will tell his party faithful. "But the truth is: the Liberal Democrats are not a party of protest, we are party of change. A party that is for things, not simply against things. A successful political party cannot thrive just by picking up the votes that have been lost by its opponents."He will say that now is not the time to revert to protest. "In the days after the byelection, even though we won, I was asked how I feel about our party no longer being a magnet for the protest vote. No longer the automatic 'none of the above' choice", he will tell his party faithful. "But the truth is: the Liberal Democrats are not a party of protest, we are party of change. A party that is for things, not simply against things. A successful political party cannot thrive just by picking up the votes that have been lost by its opponents."
Clegg, who will be leaving conference soon after his speech on Sunday to attend his son's birthday party, will have to hope his message gets through and that he too soon has a skip in his step. It's been a long time coming.Clegg, who will be leaving conference soon after his speech on Sunday to attend his son's birthday party, will have to hope his message gets through and that he too soon has a skip in his step. It's been a long time coming.
How secret courts workHow secret courts work
Why does the government want to introduce secret courts? Why does the government want to introduce secret courts?
Ministers are keen to stop MI5 and MI6 operatives testifying in court, and to avoid sensitive foreign intelligence from allies, such as the US, being made public.Ministers are keen to stop MI5 and MI6 operatives testifying in court, and to avoid sensitive foreign intelligence from allies, such as the US, being made public.
Do cases already take place in secret?Do cases already take place in secret?
Yes. In deportation hearings and cases involving national security, a closed material procedure is used to protect information. The system is also used in cases where terrorism suspects challenge restrictions on their liberty, known as TPims (formerly control orders).Yes. In deportation hearings and cases involving national security, a closed material procedure is used to protect information. The system is also used in cases where terrorism suspects challenge restrictions on their liberty, known as TPims (formerly control orders).
How do the plans differ from what exists?How do the plans differ from what exists?
They mean that secret CMP hearings could take place in any civil court case or inquest where national security was judged to be at risk. In effect, it would allow courts to close their doors more frequently when dealing with cases involving national security.They mean that secret CMP hearings could take place in any civil court case or inquest where national security was judged to be at risk. In effect, it would allow courts to close their doors more frequently when dealing with cases involving national security.
What do critics say?What do critics say?
They argue that the plans contradict Britain's tradition of open justice and could be used to protect the government from embarrassment or obstruct attempts to establish the truth about complicity in kidnap and torture. Opponents are keen to ensure that judges, rather than ministers, decide when evidence should be heard in secret and not released to a claimant in a closed material procedure.They argue that the plans contradict Britain's tradition of open justice and could be used to protect the government from embarrassment or obstruct attempts to establish the truth about complicity in kidnap and torture. Opponents are keen to ensure that judges, rather than ministers, decide when evidence should be heard in secret and not released to a claimant in a closed material procedure.
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