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The British history new citizens must learn: no radicals, no homosexuals, no Holocaust The British history new citizens must learn: no radicals, no homosexuals, no Holocaust
(7 months later)
In a couple of weeks aspirant British citizens will be tested on British history for the first time. Since 2004 they've been tested on geography, customs and practicalities, on the basis of a book called Life in the United Kingdom, whose third edition was published in late January. Like the previous editions, the book reveals a bit about what the government thinks new citizens need to know, and a lot about how it would like Britain to be known.In a couple of weeks aspirant British citizens will be tested on British history for the first time. Since 2004 they've been tested on geography, customs and practicalities, on the basis of a book called Life in the United Kingdom, whose third edition was published in late January. Like the previous editions, the book reveals a bit about what the government thinks new citizens need to know, and a lot about how it would like Britain to be known.
In this, Britain is not unique. As you'd expect, the American citizenship test deals largely with the country's history and constitution; the Germans concentrate on culture; while the first big section of the Canadian handbook is about taking care of the environment (good Canadians separate their trash).In this, Britain is not unique. As you'd expect, the American citizenship test deals largely with the country's history and constitution; the Germans concentrate on culture; while the first big section of the Canadian handbook is about taking care of the environment (good Canadians separate their trash).
Likewise, the non-history bits of the new British guide betray government priorities. The UK is still multiracial and multinational, but no longer multicultural. In accord with current policy, the professional skills that migrants brought to Britain are emphasised, from German engineers to Huguenot bankers.Likewise, the non-history bits of the new British guide betray government priorities. The UK is still multiracial and multinational, but no longer multicultural. In accord with current policy, the professional skills that migrants brought to Britain are emphasised, from German engineers to Huguenot bankers.
As the immigration minister, Mark Harper, promised: "Instead of telling people how to claim benefits," the book "encourages participation in British life". So the only mention of welfare is a list of benefits to which new Britons might not be entitled.As the immigration minister, Mark Harper, promised: "Instead of telling people how to claim benefits," the book "encourages participation in British life". So the only mention of welfare is a list of benefits to which new Britons might not be entitled.
But the clearest departure from the earlier versions is in the chapter on British history. The first edition led with an elegant, ironical and opinionated essay by the late historian Bernard Crick, the second with a more obviously New Labour version put together by civil servants. Both acknowledged that any history is "only one interpretation". This third edition contains no such health warning. Copiously illustrated with battle pictures, festooned with union flags, it presents our "long and illustrious history" as uncontestable truth.But the clearest departure from the earlier versions is in the chapter on British history. The first edition led with an elegant, ironical and opinionated essay by the late historian Bernard Crick, the second with a more obviously New Labour version put together by civil servants. Both acknowledged that any history is "only one interpretation". This third edition contains no such health warning. Copiously illustrated with battle pictures, festooned with union flags, it presents our "long and illustrious history" as uncontestable truth.
That it is – of course – as partial as earlier versions is demonstrated by what distinguishes them as well as what they have in common. Blairites tended to be suspicious of history (on the grounds that it was all in the past), which was a good reason for not testing new citizens on it. For Gordon Brown, Magna Carta fired an arrow that flew unerringly through the Reformation, Enlightenment, industrial revolution and universal suffrage into the bullseye of New Labour.That it is – of course – as partial as earlier versions is demonstrated by what distinguishes them as well as what they have in common. Blairites tended to be suspicious of history (on the grounds that it was all in the past), which was a good reason for not testing new citizens on it. For Gordon Brown, Magna Carta fired an arrow that flew unerringly through the Reformation, Enlightenment, industrial revolution and universal suffrage into the bullseye of New Labour.
But while the Labour versions acknowledged that some progressive gains had to be wrested from unwilling rulers, the new version implies that our liberties were largely handed down by a patrician ruling class from on high (with the single exception of the suffragettes). So extensive is the weeding out of radical movements that it goes even further than Michael Gove's proposed national curriculum (published last month), which at least includes Civil War Levellers and Diggers via the Peterloo demonstrators to the Tolpuddle martyrs.But while the Labour versions acknowledged that some progressive gains had to be wrested from unwilling rulers, the new version implies that our liberties were largely handed down by a patrician ruling class from on high (with the single exception of the suffragettes). So extensive is the weeding out of radical movements that it goes even further than Michael Gove's proposed national curriculum (published last month), which at least includes Civil War Levellers and Diggers via the Peterloo demonstrators to the Tolpuddle martyrs.
Radical movers and shakers are not the only actors to be sidelined. As in the other versions of the guide, trade unions only appear on the historical stage, as a problem, in the 1970s. The limitations of a purely British perspective on world events are exposed by a history of the second world war in which the Holocaust doesn't feature at all. And a section on the social reforms of the 1960s cites divorce and abortion law liberalisation, and equal pay for women – but not the race relations acts or the decriminalisation of homosexuality.Radical movers and shakers are not the only actors to be sidelined. As in the other versions of the guide, trade unions only appear on the historical stage, as a problem, in the 1970s. The limitations of a purely British perspective on world events are exposed by a history of the second world war in which the Holocaust doesn't feature at all. And a section on the social reforms of the 1960s cites divorce and abortion law liberalisation, and equal pay for women – but not the race relations acts or the decriminalisation of homosexuality.
Happily, perhaps, the New Labour guides didn't have to deal with the "war on terror". The new one has British troops "in the global fight against international terrorism and against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction". Both parts of this statement are – to put it mildly – contestable.Happily, perhaps, the New Labour guides didn't have to deal with the "war on terror". The new one has British troops "in the global fight against international terrorism and against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction". Both parts of this statement are – to put it mildly – contestable.
Just as Margaret Thatcher insisted that Victorian values consisted of thrift and self-reliance (as opposed to social reform and philanthropy), this government has invested heavily in a single, uncontestable, patriotic and, indeed, military narrative.Just as Margaret Thatcher insisted that Victorian values consisted of thrift and self-reliance (as opposed to social reform and philanthropy), this government has invested heavily in a single, uncontestable, patriotic and, indeed, military narrative.
In 2008 Gove complained to the Conservative conference that "our children are either taught to put Britain in the dock or they remain in ignorance of our island story". In response, David Laws, then Lib Dem education spokesman, accused Gove of wanting "to impose a different set of centralised diktats". As schools minister, Laws is presumably now in charge of doing the diktating.In 2008 Gove complained to the Conservative conference that "our children are either taught to put Britain in the dock or they remain in ignorance of our island story". In response, David Laws, then Lib Dem education spokesman, accused Gove of wanting "to impose a different set of centralised diktats". As schools minister, Laws is presumably now in charge of doing the diktating.
Not for the first time, then, history has become a battleground for a contest over current policy, both for schoolchildren and new citizens.Not for the first time, then, history has become a battleground for a contest over current policy, both for schoolchildren and new citizens.
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