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| As Syrian refugees pour in, sectarian tensions strain Lebanon's brittle peace | As Syrian refugees pour in, sectarian tensions strain Lebanon's brittle peace |
| (about 1 month later) | |
| On the edge of Beirut's rebuilt inner core, a Damascus businessman, Abu Ziad, eased himself into his new BMW in the car park of the biggest Sunni mosque in town. His black 7-series saloon was the fanciest car in the lot and was attracting attention from a line of compatriots who waited impatiently to beg for money. All of them had seen Abu Ziad's licence plate and they pressed their case in a dialect distinct to the Syrian rural poor. | On the edge of Beirut's rebuilt inner core, a Damascus businessman, Abu Ziad, eased himself into his new BMW in the car park of the biggest Sunni mosque in town. His black 7-series saloon was the fanciest car in the lot and was attracting attention from a line of compatriots who waited impatiently to beg for money. All of them had seen Abu Ziad's licence plate and they pressed their case in a dialect distinct to the Syrian rural poor. |
| "You are my son," said a stooped lady in a green hijab as she held a photo of a young boy. "Life is cruel here, please help an old woman." For a few minutes, the baron and the beggars stood united; all strangers in a land that not so long ago would hardly have been considered a refuge for anyone fleeing the troubles of the region. | "You are my son," said a stooped lady in a green hijab as she held a photo of a young boy. "Life is cruel here, please help an old woman." For a few minutes, the baron and the beggars stood united; all strangers in a land that not so long ago would hardly have been considered a refuge for anyone fleeing the troubles of the region. |
| But with the civil war that is ravaging Syria now into its third year, Lebanon is in the midst of a role reversal that has seen close to a million Syrians seek sanctuary here, around 350,000 of whom are refugees who fled with little more than what they were wearing. | But with the civil war that is ravaging Syria now into its third year, Lebanon is in the midst of a role reversal that has seen close to a million Syrians seek sanctuary here, around 350,000 of whom are refugees who fled with little more than what they were wearing. |
| Others, like Abu Ziad, a member of the wealthy elite, as well as the business and middle classes, have been buying up homes in droves, or paying for 12-month leases in cash. So pronounced is the exodus from Damascus that some Syrian businesses have been able to assemble a full payroll in exile to run affairs back home remotely. | Others, like Abu Ziad, a member of the wealthy elite, as well as the business and middle classes, have been buying up homes in droves, or paying for 12-month leases in cash. So pronounced is the exodus from Damascus that some Syrian businesses have been able to assemble a full payroll in exile to run affairs back home remotely. |
| Lebanon's transformation in many Syrians' eyes from lost cause to last hope is, however, being met with increasing alarm in Beirut, where authorities are warning of both a lack of means to absorb and feed the newcomers, and the frailty of a society in which ethnic, sectarian and proxy regional tensions remain only barely contained. | Lebanon's transformation in many Syrians' eyes from lost cause to last hope is, however, being met with increasing alarm in Beirut, where authorities are warning of both a lack of means to absorb and feed the newcomers, and the frailty of a society in which ethnic, sectarian and proxy regional tensions remain only barely contained. |
| "It's not the place we used to know," said Abu Ziad , who has made a home in Beirut for himself and his family. "Who would have thought of coming here for anything else but a holiday? | "It's not the place we used to know," said Abu Ziad , who has made a home in Beirut for himself and his family. "Who would have thought of coming here for anything else but a holiday? |
| "Before all this, we used to make fun of the Lebanese and the way they used to care so much about who was Shia, Sunni, Christian, or Druze. We never thought we had the same thing in us. Now look at us. What is happening is a nightmare. It will take five years at least to settle down." | "Before all this, we used to make fun of the Lebanese and the way they used to care so much about who was Shia, Sunni, Christian, or Druze. We never thought we had the same thing in us. Now look at us. What is happening is a nightmare. It will take five years at least to settle down." |
| The minarets of the giant Ottoman-style mosque reflected in Abu Ziad's mirrored sunglasses. Down the hill past the shrine of the slain former prime minister, Rafiq Hariri, whose money built the mosque and renovated the nearby downtown area during the 1990s, two Russian warships were docked at port. Earlier in the day, two Israeli warplanes had circled Beirut for several hours, leaving white wisps against a hazy spring sky. | The minarets of the giant Ottoman-style mosque reflected in Abu Ziad's mirrored sunglasses. Down the hill past the shrine of the slain former prime minister, Rafiq Hariri, whose money built the mosque and renovated the nearby downtown area during the 1990s, two Russian warships were docked at port. Earlier in the day, two Israeli warplanes had circled Beirut for several hours, leaving white wisps against a hazy spring sky. |
| Lebanon's civil war may have fizzled out 22 years ago, but the influence of the regional players who take a deep and abiding stake here remains on show for all to see. Six kilometres southeast of downtown, Iran's patronage of Hezbollah and the Shia sector of the city is also on prominent display, with flags and posters of the supreme Iranian cleric, Ayatollah Khamenei. And in northern Lebanon, the Sunni heartland of the country, Turkish and Saudi flags are regularly seen flying alongside the Lebanese banner. | Lebanon's civil war may have fizzled out 22 years ago, but the influence of the regional players who take a deep and abiding stake here remains on show for all to see. Six kilometres southeast of downtown, Iran's patronage of Hezbollah and the Shia sector of the city is also on prominent display, with flags and posters of the supreme Iranian cleric, Ayatollah Khamenei. And in northern Lebanon, the Sunni heartland of the country, Turkish and Saudi flags are regularly seen flying alongside the Lebanese banner. |
| The enduring dependence on outside interests and the influx of arrivals into an already delicate social fabric has deeply unsettled Lebanon's feudal lords who, for many months now, have tried to maintain a veneer of distance from the crisis in Syria. All the while, Shia fighters linked to Hezbollah and Sunni fighters who support the Hariri bloc have played increasing roles on the country's battlefields. | The enduring dependence on outside interests and the influx of arrivals into an already delicate social fabric has deeply unsettled Lebanon's feudal lords who, for many months now, have tried to maintain a veneer of distance from the crisis in Syria. All the while, Shia fighters linked to Hezbollah and Sunni fighters who support the Hariri bloc have played increasing roles on the country's battlefields. |
| "This can no longer be hidden," said former Lebanese president Amin Gemmayel, who leads the Christian Phalange bloc, which has never been far from Lebanon's historical tribulations. "Lebanon used to be a real democracy and a liberal country, and all the countries in the region took advantage of that to build a kind of sanctuary for their own interests. But it's not freedom any more; it's an abuse of liberty. This is the Lebanese paradox." | "This can no longer be hidden," said former Lebanese president Amin Gemmayel, who leads the Christian Phalange bloc, which has never been far from Lebanon's historical tribulations. "Lebanon used to be a real democracy and a liberal country, and all the countries in the region took advantage of that to build a kind of sanctuary for their own interests. But it's not freedom any more; it's an abuse of liberty. This is the Lebanese paradox." |
| Gemmayel is sitting in his old sandstone Ottoman home in the foothills near Beirut – the Christian centre of the country, where fears of what will emerge from the rubble of Syria are now pronounced. Many of those who have fled Damascus in particular belong to the various Christian sects and many among them, like Abu Ziad, have lost fortunes as war and insurgency have crippled the country. | Gemmayel is sitting in his old sandstone Ottoman home in the foothills near Beirut – the Christian centre of the country, where fears of what will emerge from the rubble of Syria are now pronounced. Many of those who have fled Damascus in particular belong to the various Christian sects and many among them, like Abu Ziad, have lost fortunes as war and insurgency have crippled the country. |
| Gemmayel and other Christian leaders contacted by the Observer say the mood in Lebanon is now eerily familiar. "It is much more dangerous than in 1975 [when the Lebanese civil war started]," Gemmayel said. "Back then, the country was divided. There were borders [between the sects which were largely assembled into communities]. That is not the case any more." | Gemmayel and other Christian leaders contacted by the Observer say the mood in Lebanon is now eerily familiar. "It is much more dangerous than in 1975 [when the Lebanese civil war started]," Gemmayel said. "Back then, the country was divided. There were borders [between the sects which were largely assembled into communities]. That is not the case any more." |
| Such fears are echoed on the other side of the political fence. Mohammed Obeid, a former director general of the Lebanese information ministry, who is close to Hezbollah and maintains links with Syrian regime figures, said: "The intermixing between the Sunnis and Shias in Lebanon is huge. There are at least 200,000 cases of inter-marriage and many families have melted among each other in many places. | Such fears are echoed on the other side of the political fence. Mohammed Obeid, a former director general of the Lebanese information ministry, who is close to Hezbollah and maintains links with Syrian regime figures, said: "The intermixing between the Sunnis and Shias in Lebanon is huge. There are at least 200,000 cases of inter-marriage and many families have melted among each other in many places. |
| "In 1975 the war started along a Christian-Muslim faultline. This time the deep worry is Sunni-Shia. Whenever you have a regional clash, Lebanon pays the price. Last time, largely because of Yasser Arafat's ambitions [for the Palestinians], we entered a long war for 17 years and we didn't get back Palestine and we lost Lebanon. Now what I am afraid of is that the same governments are committing the same mistakes. [French Foreign Minister Laurent] Fabius and the Europeans for example want part of the cake." | "In 1975 the war started along a Christian-Muslim faultline. This time the deep worry is Sunni-Shia. Whenever you have a regional clash, Lebanon pays the price. Last time, largely because of Yasser Arafat's ambitions [for the Palestinians], we entered a long war for 17 years and we didn't get back Palestine and we lost Lebanon. Now what I am afraid of is that the same governments are committing the same mistakes. [French Foreign Minister Laurent] Fabius and the Europeans for example want part of the cake." |
| French foreign minister Laurent Fabius last week indicated that France and the UK may ignore European Union opposition to arming elements of Syria's rebel movement that are not aligned to jihadist groups. EU member states, among them Austria, which leads a peace-keeping force on the Golan Heights, between Syria and Israel, later reiterated their opposition. | French foreign minister Laurent Fabius last week indicated that France and the UK may ignore European Union opposition to arming elements of Syria's rebel movement that are not aligned to jihadist groups. EU member states, among them Austria, which leads a peace-keeping force on the Golan Heights, between Syria and Israel, later reiterated their opposition. |
| Lebanon's ability to absorb the shocks of the region continues to be called into question by everyone from the United Nations to protagonists of past wars. The UN's high commissioner for refugees, António Guterres, warned on Friday of an "existential threat" to Lebanon caused by the Syrian crisis and urged international support for the brittle state. | Lebanon's ability to absorb the shocks of the region continues to be called into question by everyone from the United Nations to protagonists of past wars. The UN's high commissioner for refugees, António Guterres, warned on Friday of an "existential threat" to Lebanon caused by the Syrian crisis and urged international support for the brittle state. |
| "We've been down this path in years gone by," said Palestinian Liberation Organisation leader, Munir Maqda, from the Ain al-Halwe refugee camp in Sidon, the biggest of 12 such camps in Lebanon. "And now we're doing it again." Maqda told a story of a recent meeting in Damascus between Syrian and Palestinian officials that underscored just how far relations had plummeted since the crisis intensified. | "We've been down this path in years gone by," said Palestinian Liberation Organisation leader, Munir Maqda, from the Ain al-Halwe refugee camp in Sidon, the biggest of 12 such camps in Lebanon. "And now we're doing it again." Maqda told a story of a recent meeting in Damascus between Syrian and Palestinian officials that underscored just how far relations had plummeted since the crisis intensified. |
| "The chief of the PLO's intelligence service in Ramallah went with a delegation to see [deputy foreign minister Faisal] Meqdad in February," he said. "We told him we wanted to insulate the Palestinians through political neutrality." The meeting was arranged after large numbers of Syrian Palestinians fled Damascus in December following the eruption of fighting in the main Yarmouk camp – adding another dimension to Lebanon's refugee crisis. | "The chief of the PLO's intelligence service in Ramallah went with a delegation to see [deputy foreign minister Faisal] Meqdad in February," he said. "We told him we wanted to insulate the Palestinians through political neutrality." The meeting was arranged after large numbers of Syrian Palestinians fled Damascus in December following the eruption of fighting in the main Yarmouk camp – adding another dimension to Lebanon's refugee crisis. |
| "He told us, 'You're with us or against us'," said Maqda. "Our decision is made." | "He told us, 'You're with us or against us'," said Maqda. "Our decision is made." |
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