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Notorius warlord gives himself up to international criminal court Notorious warlord gives himself up to international criminal court
(35 minutes later)
When the reign of one of Africa's most feared warlords came to an end, it was not at gunpoint but in a mild and meek surrender.When the reign of one of Africa's most feared warlords came to an end, it was not at gunpoint but in a mild and meek surrender.
Congolese rebel leader Bosco Ntaganda was contemplating his future from behind the high fence and clipped lawns of the US embassy in Rwanda on Tuesday/yesterday, his career as a fugitive from international justice having reached an ignominious denouement. Congolese rebel leader Bosco Ntaganda was contemplating his future from behind the high fence and clipped lawns of the US embassy in Rwanda on Tuesday, his career as a fugitive from international justice having reached an ignominious denouement.
Ntaganda walked up to the embassy gates at 7.30am on Monday to turn himself in and request that he be handed over to the international criminal court (ICC). It was an uncharacteristic white flag from a man who has long been an agent of chaos in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo allegedly responsible for murder, rape, recruiting child soldiers and sexual slavery.Ntaganda walked up to the embassy gates at 7.30am on Monday to turn himself in and request that he be handed over to the international criminal court (ICC). It was an uncharacteristic white flag from a man who has long been an agent of chaos in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo allegedly responsible for murder, rape, recruiting child soldiers and sexual slavery.
The fall of the general - a man who "kills people easily," according to one witness - came after his own rebel movement turned against him and he lost the patronage of Congo's neighbour Rwanda. Whereas until recently Ntaganda was able to swagger about eastern Congo, playing tennis and cocking a snook at the ICC, this personification of impunity now faces a long sentence behind bars. The fall of the general – a man who "kills people easily" according to one witness – came after his own rebel movement turned against him and he lost the patronage of Congo's neighbour Rwanda. Whereas until recently Ntaganda was able to swagger about eastern Congo, playing tennis and cocking a snook at the ICC, this personification of impunity now faces a long sentence behind bars.
Nicknamed "The Terminator", and just over 6ft tall, photographs of Ntaganda show a youthful, smooth-cheeked figure, often smiling broadly, who likes wearing military berets or leather cowboy hats with his camouflage fatigues. He was born in Rwanda in 1973, moved to Congo as a teenager and has spent his life fighting, sometimes on the side of government, sometimes as rebel, in the region's endlessly shifting alliances. Nicknamed The Terminator and just over 6ft tall, photographs of Ntaganda show a youthful, smooth-cheeked figure, often smiling broadly, who likes wearing military berets or leather cowboy hats with his camouflage fatigues. He was born in Rwanda in 1973, moved to Congo as a teenager and has spent his life fighting, sometimes on the side of government, sometimes as a rebel, in the region's endlessly shifting alliances.
The events that swept him out of his hiding place in the bush and into the hands of American officials in Kigali were swift and brutal, though the details remain murky. Towards the end of February, divisions inside the rebel movement known as M23, which seized the city of Goma from government troops last year, could no longer be papered over but began to widen.The events that swept him out of his hiding place in the bush and into the hands of American officials in Kigali were swift and brutal, though the details remain murky. Towards the end of February, divisions inside the rebel movement known as M23, which seized the city of Goma from government troops last year, could no longer be papered over but began to widen.
The two leaders of the movement - Ntaganda and Sultani Makenga - have never seen eye to eye. Ntaganda feared Makenga would sign a peace agreement and hand his rival over to Congolese authorities, or even kill him. The two leaders of the movement – Ntaganda and Sultani Makenga – have never seen eye to eye. Ntaganda feared Makenga would sign a peace agreement and hand his rival over to Congolese authorities, or even kill him.
Ntaganda attempted to arrest Makenga, and two clear factions emerged. Within days deadly internecine fighting had forced Ntaganda loyalists to the southern part of M23 territory and Makenga's men to the north.Ntaganda attempted to arrest Makenga, and two clear factions emerged. Within days deadly internecine fighting had forced Ntaganda loyalists to the southern part of M23 territory and Makenga's men to the north.
Makenga, reported to have been negotiating a peace deal with the Congolese government, launched wave after wave of attacks on Ntaganda's smaller band of fighters. By 16 March Ntaganda loyalists were fleeing into Rwanda.Makenga, reported to have been negotiating a peace deal with the Congolese government, launched wave after wave of attacks on Ntaganda's smaller band of fighters. By 16 March Ntaganda loyalists were fleeing into Rwanda.
Ntaganda's whereabouts remained a mystery until he stunned observers by handing himself in at the US embassy in Kigali on Monday. His request to be transferred to the Hague has surprised many. However, Ntaganda has made many powerful enemies in Kigali and Kinshasa; for him, international justice was likely preferable to the consequences of handing himself over to Congolese or Rwandan authorities, or staying on the run. He had nowhere else to go.Ntaganda's whereabouts remained a mystery until he stunned observers by handing himself in at the US embassy in Kigali on Monday. His request to be transferred to the Hague has surprised many. However, Ntaganda has made many powerful enemies in Kigali and Kinshasa; for him, international justice was likely preferable to the consequences of handing himself over to Congolese or Rwandan authorities, or staying on the run. He had nowhere else to go.
"He must have been so afraid for his life that a long prison sentence in the Hague looked like his best option," said Jason Stearns, a political analyst who specialises in Congo. "He must have been pretty scared.""He must have been so afraid for his life that a long prison sentence in the Hague looked like his best option," said Jason Stearns, a political analyst who specialises in Congo. "He must have been pretty scared."
The US is not a signatory to the Rome statute and is therefore not obliged to hand Ntaganda over to the ICC however the court has expressed confidence that it will comply. The US is not a signatory to the Rome statute and is therefore not obliged to hand Ntaganda over to the ICC; however the court has expressed confidence that it will comply.
Ntaganda's trial could prove embarassing for Rwanda, which has been accused of having a hand in three rebellions in eastern Congo since 2002, all of which featured Ntaganda as a key player. Stearns said: "This surrender marks his fall from favour with the Rwandan government. He had become a liability because of his notoriety. He's a reliable general but he's also a thug. The Rwandans realised that it was better to let M23 implode and see who came out of it." Ntaganda's trial could prove embarrassing for Rwanda, which has been accused of having a hand in three rebellions in eastern Congo since 2002, all of which featured Ntaganda as a key player. Stearns said: "This surrender marks his fall from favour with the Rwandan government. He had become a liability because of his notoriety. He's a reliable general but he's also a thug. The Rwandans realised that it was better to let M23 implode and see who came out of it."
There was little mention of Rwandan meddling when Ntaganda's co-accused, Thomas Lubanga, was found guilty of the war crime of recruiting and using child soldiers in the ICC's first case. But Stearns said: "There's a lot of will in the prosecution to push that line. There is going to be a great effort to highlight outside complicity in the crimes he is accused of."There was little mention of Rwandan meddling when Ntaganda's co-accused, Thomas Lubanga, was found guilty of the war crime of recruiting and using child soldiers in the ICC's first case. But Stearns said: "There's a lot of will in the prosecution to push that line. There is going to be a great effort to highlight outside complicity in the crimes he is accused of."
The capture of Ntaganda will come as a timely boost for the ICC, which was recently embarrassed when the indicted Kenyan presidential candidate Uhuru Kenyatta emerged victorious in recent elections.The capture of Ntaganda will come as a timely boost for the ICC, which was recently embarrassed when the indicted Kenyan presidential candidate Uhuru Kenyatta emerged victorious in recent elections.
Ntaganda has been wanted since 2006 for conscripting and using child soldiers during a conflict from 2002 to 2003 in the eastern Ituri province. A second arrest warrant, issued last July, accused him of a range of crimes including murder and rape.Ntaganda has been wanted since 2006 for conscripting and using child soldiers during a conflict from 2002 to 2003 in the eastern Ituri province. A second arrest warrant, issued last July, accused him of a range of crimes including murder and rape.
But for a long time he was untouchable. He was elevated to the rank of general in a 2009 peace deal between the Congolese government and M23's predecessor, the National Congress for the Defence of the People. Between 2009 and 2012 Ntaganda was untouchable as the highest-ranking army officer in the east; his freedom was considered central to the fragile peace that reined in Congo's restive Kivu provinces. But for a long time Ntaganda was untouchable. He was elevated to the rank of general in a 2009 peace deal between the Congolese government and M23's predecessor, the National Congress for the Defence of the People. Between 2009 and 2012 Ntaganda was the highest-ranking army officer in the east; his freedom was considered central to the fragile peace that reined in Congo's restive Kivu provinces.
With an arrest warrant hanging over his head, Ntaganda ate in the finest restaurants in Goma, the capital of North Kivu, and played tennis at the most luxurious hotel in town.With an arrest warrant hanging over his head, Ntaganda ate in the finest restaurants in Goma, the capital of North Kivu, and played tennis at the most luxurious hotel in town.
But in April last year the Congolese government called for Ntaganda's arrest, spurring the latest uprising in the east. Reports that Ntaganda was leading M23 were repeatedly denied by the rebel leadership throughout the insurrection, which the UN said was backed by Rwanda.But in April last year the Congolese government called for Ntaganda's arrest, spurring the latest uprising in the east. Reports that Ntaganda was leading M23 were repeatedly denied by the rebel leadership throughout the insurrection, which the UN said was backed by Rwanda.
Following the rupture, Makenga's faction began speaking about the presence of Ntaganda, but insisting that his influence had been unknown to them up until that point. They claimed that the former political leader of the unified M23 movement, bishop Jean Marie Runiga, had been secretly working with Ntaganda.Following the rupture, Makenga's faction began speaking about the presence of Ntaganda, but insisting that his influence had been unknown to them up until that point. They claimed that the former political leader of the unified M23 movement, bishop Jean Marie Runiga, had been secretly working with Ntaganda.
"We always knew that [Ntaganda] was with Runiga!" exclaimed Colonel Fred Nganzi following Ntaganda's surrender. "These events are a move towards peace, but why did [Ntaganda] take so long to hand himself over to justice?" "We always knew that [Ntaganda] was with Runiga!" said Colonel Fred Nganzi following Ntaganda's surrender. "These events are a move towards peace, but why did [Ntaganda] take so long to hand himself over to justice?"
The peace process now seems likely to advance. Congolese army sources suggested that the capture or killing of Ntaganda was a government-imposed prerequisite to any deal. When asked whether a peace deal was now possible, Nganzi said: "It is if Kabila wants it," referring to the president of DR Congo. The peace process now seems likely to advance. Congolese army sources suggested that the capture or killing of Ntaganda was a government-imposed prerequisite to any deal. When asked whether a peace deal was possible, Nganzi said: "It is if Kabila wants it," referring to the president of DR Congo.
On Tuesday in Ituri district, the scene of Ntaganda's alleged crimes in the ICC's first case, people were delighted with the news. "I was so happy when [Ntaganda] surrendered," said Prince Fala, a part-time student selling phone credit from a rickety wooden booth in the district capital Bunia. "This will put an end to the war with M23.On Tuesday in Ituri district, the scene of Ntaganda's alleged crimes in the ICC's first case, people were delighted with the news. "I was so happy when [Ntaganda] surrendered," said Prince Fala, a part-time student selling phone credit from a rickety wooden booth in the district capital Bunia. "This will put an end to the war with M23.
"As long as the Americans hand him over to the ICC, that will calm our worries. The war in Congo concerns every tribe; it doesn't matter if you are Lendu, Hema, Tutsi or Hutu, everyone is happy he has surrendered." "As long as the Americans hand him over to the ICC, that will calm our worries. The war in Congo concerns every tribe; it doesn't matter if you are Lendu, Hema, Tutsi or Hutu. Everyone is happy he has surrendered."