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Thatcher biography reveals adviser's early warnings Thatcher biography reveals adviser's early warnings
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Margaret Thatcher was condemned by one of her closest advisers within two years of arriving in No 10 for bullying weaker colleagues and abusing her seniority, the official biography of the late prime minister reveals.Margaret Thatcher was condemned by one of her closest advisers within two years of arriving in No 10 for bullying weaker colleagues and abusing her seniority, the official biography of the late prime minister reveals.
In a searing memo, which foresaw many of the weaknesses which led to her downfall nearly a decade later, Sir John Hoskyns warned Thatcher that she was breaking every rule of man-management and had created an "unhappy ship" which threatened her position.In a searing memo, which foresaw many of the weaknesses which led to her downfall nearly a decade later, Sir John Hoskyns warned Thatcher that she was breaking every rule of man-management and had created an "unhappy ship" which threatened her position.
The memo is published in the first volume of the authorised biography of Thatcher, written by the former Daily Telegraph editor Charles Moore, which is published on Monday. The biography also reveals:The memo is published in the first volume of the authorised biography of Thatcher, written by the former Daily Telegraph editor Charles Moore, which is published on Monday. The biography also reveals:
• The full extent of the Thatcher government's negotiations through a secret back channel with the Provisional IRA during the 1980 and 1981 republican hunger strikes at the Maze prison. At one point during the 1981 hunger strike, in which 10 prisoners died, Thatcher approved a message which said that Britain would deny any contact if the republicans revealed the dialogue.• The full extent of the Thatcher government's negotiations through a secret back channel with the Provisional IRA during the 1980 and 1981 republican hunger strikes at the Maze prison. At one point during the 1981 hunger strike, in which 10 prisoners died, Thatcher approved a message which said that Britain would deny any contact if the republicans revealed the dialogue.
• Nick Ridley, a Thatcher loyalist who was appointed as a Foreign Office minister to negotiate with the Argentinians before the invasion, said he did not think the islands were important to Britain because they did not produce wine.• Nick Ridley, a Thatcher loyalist who was appointed as a Foreign Office minister to negotiate with the Argentinians before the invasion, said he did not think the islands were important to Britain because they did not produce wine.
• Thatcher said that the planned withdrawal of the ice patrol ship HMS Endurance from the south Atlantic, announced in June 1981, did not matter because it just made a "pop pop pop" noise.• Thatcher said that the planned withdrawal of the ice patrol ship HMS Endurance from the south Atlantic, announced in June 1981, did not matter because it just made a "pop pop pop" noise.
• Lord Carrington, Thatcher's first foreign secretary who resigned after the Argentinian invasion of the Falklands, once described her as a "fucking stupid, petit bourgeois woman".• Lord Carrington, Thatcher's first foreign secretary who resigned after the Argentinian invasion of the Falklands, once described her as a "fucking stupid, petit bourgeois woman".
• Thatcher thought of sacking Geoffrey Howe, her first chancellor who eventually triggered her downfall in 1990, as early as 1981. John Kerr, Howe's private secretary at the time, said she was "quite full of whisky" during a row in the run-up to the autumn statement of 1981.• Thatcher thought of sacking Geoffrey Howe, her first chancellor who eventually triggered her downfall in 1990, as early as 1981. John Kerr, Howe's private secretary at the time, said she was "quite full of whisky" during a row in the run-up to the autumn statement of 1981.
The Hoskyns memo was written at the height of internal rows between the 1981 monetarist budget, delivered in March, and the autumn statement later that year. Headed Your Personal Survival and put into Thatcher's red box as she prepared to go on holiday on 20 August, it said: "Your own credibility and prestige are draining away very fast." He said the most likely outcome was for her to become "another failed Tory prime minister sitting with Heath".The Hoskyns memo was written at the height of internal rows between the 1981 monetarist budget, delivered in March, and the autumn statement later that year. Headed Your Personal Survival and put into Thatcher's red box as she prepared to go on holiday on 20 August, it said: "Your own credibility and prestige are draining away very fast." He said the most likely outcome was for her to become "another failed Tory prime minister sitting with Heath".
Hoskyns wrote: "You break every rule of good man-management. You bully your weaker colleagues. You criticise colleagues in front of each other and in front of their officials. They can't answer back without appearing disrespectful, in front of others, to a woman and to a prime minister. You abuse that situation. You give little praise or credit, and you are too ready to blame others when things go wrong."Hoskyns wrote: "You break every rule of good man-management. You bully your weaker colleagues. You criticise colleagues in front of each other and in front of their officials. They can't answer back without appearing disrespectful, in front of others, to a woman and to a prime minister. You abuse that situation. You give little praise or credit, and you are too ready to blame others when things go wrong."
Hoskyns said his memo failed because Thatcher "hissed" at him and said nobody had written to her as prime minister in such a hostile manner. Hoskyns said the memo highlighted how as early as 1981 "the seeds of her downfall were being sown".Hoskyns said his memo failed because Thatcher "hissed" at him and said nobody had written to her as prime minister in such a hostile manner. Hoskyns said the memo highlighted how as early as 1981 "the seeds of her downfall were being sown".
The memo was written – coincidentally it appears – on the day that the last of the 10 republican hunger strikers died at the Maze prison. Moore reveals that Thatcher approved the reactivation of a secret back channel negotiation with the provisionals. She claimed that she was not dealing with the leadership of the Provisional IRA. This is dismissed by her biographer, a close unionist observer of Northern Ireland, as "disingenuous".The memo was written – coincidentally it appears – on the day that the last of the 10 republican hunger strikers died at the Maze prison. Moore reveals that Thatcher approved the reactivation of a secret back channel negotiation with the provisionals. She claimed that she was not dealing with the leadership of the Provisional IRA. This is dismissed by her biographer, a close unionist observer of Northern Ireland, as "disingenuous".
Moore illustrates Thatcher's active involvement in negotiations with the IRA when she approved a message which was sent in July 1981. It said: "If the reply we receive is unsatisfactory and there is subsequently any public reference to this exchange we shall deny it took place."Moore illustrates Thatcher's active involvement in negotiations with the IRA when she approved a message which was sent in July 1981. It said: "If the reply we receive is unsatisfactory and there is subsequently any public reference to this exchange we shall deny it took place."
Her biographer concludes: "There can be no doubt, therefore, that Mrs Thatcher went against her public protestations about not negotiating with terrorists, and actively did so, though at a remove. 'The lady behind the veil' had weakened."Her biographer concludes: "There can be no doubt, therefore, that Mrs Thatcher went against her public protestations about not negotiating with terrorists, and actively did so, though at a remove. 'The lady behind the veil' had weakened."
A year after the hunger strikes Thatcher faced the gravest threat to her premiership when Argentina invaded the Falklands. But the Argentinians had been led to believe by the Thatcher government that it might be interested in a leaseback.A year after the hunger strikes Thatcher faced the gravest threat to her premiership when Argentina invaded the Falklands. But the Argentinians had been led to believe by the Thatcher government that it might be interested in a leaseback.
Ridley, who had to resign from the cabinet after warning of the dangers of German domination of Europe, told the Argentinians in 1980 that Britain had little interest in the islands because they did not have wine-producing areas like Bordeaux.Ridley, who had to resign from the cabinet after warning of the dangers of German domination of Europe, told the Argentinians in 1980 that Britain had little interest in the islands because they did not have wine-producing areas like Bordeaux.
In an account of their conversation his Argentinian counterpart, Commodore Cavandoli, claimed Ridley had said: "We had given up a third of the world's surface and had found it on the whole beneficial to do so. The only claim Britain had which he felt strongly about was our long-standing claim to Bordeaux, his motive being wine. He found it hard to see the motive towards the islands where there was no wine."In an account of their conversation his Argentinian counterpart, Commodore Cavandoli, claimed Ridley had said: "We had given up a third of the world's surface and had found it on the whole beneficial to do so. The only claim Britain had which he felt strongly about was our long-standing claim to Bordeaux, his motive being wine. He found it hard to see the motive towards the islands where there was no wine."
The invasion in 1982 led to the resignation of Carrington as foreign secretary after the wife of Lord Home, the former prime minister, told him he would have resigned. Thatcher remained friendly with Carrington in later years.The invasion in 1982 led to the resignation of Carrington as foreign secretary after the wife of Lord Home, the former prime minister, told him he would have resigned. Thatcher remained friendly with Carrington in later years.
But Moore recounts a story from Sir Clive Whitmore, her private secretary. Moore writes: "As for Carrington, he had a genuine respect and affection for Mrs Thatcher but he was also driven mad by what he saw as her stubborness and lack of realism. One day, climbing the stairs to her study, he turned to Clive Whitmore and said: 'Clive, if I have any more trouble with this f***king stupid, petit bourgeois woman I'm going to go."But Moore recounts a story from Sir Clive Whitmore, her private secretary. Moore writes: "As for Carrington, he had a genuine respect and affection for Mrs Thatcher but he was also driven mad by what he saw as her stubborness and lack of realism. One day, climbing the stairs to her study, he turned to Clive Whitmore and said: 'Clive, if I have any more trouble with this f***king stupid, petit bourgeois woman I'm going to go."
The book also reveals that in February 1979 just before the election Humphrey Atkins as Tory shadow chief whip took soundings with Heath's doctor and confidant Brian Warren to see if Heath was interested in a shadow cabinet job. Heath took this as an invitation from Thatcher herself. She was so distressed by this that Atkins had to write to Heath personally saying there had been a misunderstanding.The book also reveals that in February 1979 just before the election Humphrey Atkins as Tory shadow chief whip took soundings with Heath's doctor and confidant Brian Warren to see if Heath was interested in a shadow cabinet job. Heath took this as an invitation from Thatcher herself. She was so distressed by this that Atkins had to write to Heath personally saying there had been a misunderstanding.
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