This article is from the source 'guardian' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.

You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2013/may/21/iran-presidential-election-clearing-the-path

The article has changed 2 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.

Version 0 Version 1
Iran's presidential election: clearing the path Iran's presidential election: clearing the path
(4 months later)
The shadow of the unrest that took place after Iran's presidential election in 2009 still hangs heavily over the country. Even though the leaders of the Green movement are today under house arrest, and its membership divided over whether to boycott the presidential elections next month, much of what is happening is a result of the lessons the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, learned then. In preparation for the announcement of approved candidates by the Guardian Council, internet speeds have been cut, security has been heightened in Tehran and a record number of journalists are in prison. The database we publish today on Iran's prisoners of conscience makes important reading.The shadow of the unrest that took place after Iran's presidential election in 2009 still hangs heavily over the country. Even though the leaders of the Green movement are today under house arrest, and its membership divided over whether to boycott the presidential elections next month, much of what is happening is a result of the lessons the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, learned then. In preparation for the announcement of approved candidates by the Guardian Council, internet speeds have been cut, security has been heightened in Tehran and a record number of journalists are in prison. The database we publish today on Iran's prisoners of conscience makes important reading.
Not all has been going to the script. The contest was enlivened by the last-minute registration of a former Iranian president, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, and Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei, the protege of the outgoing president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Neither man is a reformer, but the independence of each represents enough of a challenge to the "principle-ists" or die-hard loyalists around the supreme leader. Remember 2009? Iranian voters are too passionate about their politics, their mood too volatile, to be entrusted with real choice, or so the regime calculates.Not all has been going to the script. The contest was enlivened by the last-minute registration of a former Iranian president, Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, and Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei, the protege of the outgoing president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Neither man is a reformer, but the independence of each represents enough of a challenge to the "principle-ists" or die-hard loyalists around the supreme leader. Remember 2009? Iranian voters are too passionate about their politics, their mood too volatile, to be entrusted with real choice, or so the regime calculates.
Iran's state-run television channel IRIB announced the final list of candidates, which excluded both Rafsanjani and Mashaei, implying that they were disqualified. Ahmadinejad had promised that if his candidate was rejected, he would launch a campaign of what the Russians call kompromat, the publication of the dirty secrets of his opponents. Mashaei represents a breed of nationalist who puts Iran first and Islam second. But ideology is secondary to the spectacular fallout that his boss has had with the supreme leader.Iran's state-run television channel IRIB announced the final list of candidates, which excluded both Rafsanjani and Mashaei, implying that they were disqualified. Ahmadinejad had promised that if his candidate was rejected, he would launch a campaign of what the Russians call kompromat, the publication of the dirty secrets of his opponents. Mashaei represents a breed of nationalist who puts Iran first and Islam second. But ideology is secondary to the spectacular fallout that his boss has had with the supreme leader.
Rafsanjani's exclusion, ostensibly on grounds of age, is harder to assess. A confidant of Ayatollah Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic republic, Rafsanjani is a pragmatist, and his supporters include conservatives like the MP Ali Motahari. But Rafsanjani spoke out for the opposition in the wake of the repression in 2009. His son and daughter are now in that camp. Had he run, Rafsanjani may well have become a powerful magnet for anti-regime sentiment. Only two names stand out from the ultra-loyalist throng, former nuclear negotiator Hassan Rowhani and former vice-president Mohammad Reza Aref. Neither has the stature of the excluded men.Rafsanjani's exclusion, ostensibly on grounds of age, is harder to assess. A confidant of Ayatollah Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic republic, Rafsanjani is a pragmatist, and his supporters include conservatives like the MP Ali Motahari. But Rafsanjani spoke out for the opposition in the wake of the repression in 2009. His son and daughter are now in that camp. Had he run, Rafsanjani may well have become a powerful magnet for anti-regime sentiment. Only two names stand out from the ultra-loyalist throng, former nuclear negotiator Hassan Rowhani and former vice-president Mohammad Reza Aref. Neither has the stature of the excluded men.
The path to the presidency thus appears to have been cleared for the favourite Saeed Jalili, who has been in charge of Iran's nuclear negotiations. If Jalili wins, Ali Khamenei's grip on the presidency, shaken by the fallout with Ahmedinejad, will be re-established.The path to the presidency thus appears to have been cleared for the favourite Saeed Jalili, who has been in charge of Iran's nuclear negotiations. If Jalili wins, Ali Khamenei's grip on the presidency, shaken by the fallout with Ahmedinejad, will be re-established.
Our editors' picks for the day's top news and commentary delivered to your inbox each morning.