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| Alexander Lebedev trial points to shadowy plot to seize his empire | Alexander Lebedev trial points to shadowy plot to seize his empire |
| (4 months later) | |
| Alexander Lebedev's trial in Moscow this week has been surreal. Twenty months ago the owner of London's Evening Standard punched a fellow studio guest, Sergei Polonsky, on a TV talkshow. Lebedev says he was provoked. The blow knocked Polonsky off his chair but the businessman was unhurt. Besides, such scuffles take place all the time in Russia, including in the state Duma. | Alexander Lebedev's trial in Moscow this week has been surreal. Twenty months ago the owner of London's Evening Standard punched a fellow studio guest, Sergei Polonsky, on a TV talkshow. Lebedev says he was provoked. The blow knocked Polonsky off his chair but the businessman was unhurt. Besides, such scuffles take place all the time in Russia, including in the state Duma. |
| Russia's investigative committee did not see it that way. It charged Lebedev with battery and hooliganism "motivated by political hatred". The case against him appears ridiculous; Lebedev has dismissed it as "completely fabricated" and "incomprehensible". (One of the prosecution's witnesses said she was in court by chance. She had gone to report that her mobile phone had been stolen; at the station a police officer asked whether she had watched the TV show. When she said she had, he told her: "We need witnesses.") But its consequences are less funny: if convicted Lebedev faces five years in jail. | Russia's investigative committee did not see it that way. It charged Lebedev with battery and hooliganism "motivated by political hatred". The case against him appears ridiculous; Lebedev has dismissed it as "completely fabricated" and "incomprehensible". (One of the prosecution's witnesses said she was in court by chance. She had gone to report that her mobile phone had been stolen; at the station a police officer asked whether she had watched the TV show. When she said she had, he told her: "We need witnesses.") But its consequences are less funny: if convicted Lebedev faces five years in jail. |
| The omens do not look good. Speaking to a group of entrepreneurs, President Vladimir Putin casually remarked that Lebedev was guilty of hooliganism. Such hints from above, broadcast on state TV, are usually enough to sink a defendant. And anyway, the rate of acquittal in Russia's judicial system is miniscule. | The omens do not look good. Speaking to a group of entrepreneurs, President Vladimir Putin casually remarked that Lebedev was guilty of hooliganism. Such hints from above, broadcast on state TV, are usually enough to sink a defendant. And anyway, the rate of acquittal in Russia's judicial system is miniscule. |
| During a brief visit to London this month Lebedev was trying to stay cheerful. He said he hoped for a suspended sentence. But Russian judges tend not to do subtle, and a term in prison would surprise no one. | During a brief visit to London this month Lebedev was trying to stay cheerful. He said he hoped for a suspended sentence. But Russian judges tend not to do subtle, and a term in prison would surprise no one. |
| What, then, lies behind this ham-fisted prosecution? As well as the Standard and Independent titles, Lebedev is co-owner of the Russian paper Novaya Gazeta. Most newspapers and all TV in Russia are under the Kremlin's thumb. But Novaya is one of few liberal exceptions: a genuine, campaigning, investigative newspaper bitterly opposed to the Putin regime and dedicated to exposing top-level corruption. This infuriates the president's administration and other figures. The trial, then, is obvious payback for Lebedev's political activities. | What, then, lies behind this ham-fisted prosecution? As well as the Standard and Independent titles, Lebedev is co-owner of the Russian paper Novaya Gazeta. Most newspapers and all TV in Russia are under the Kremlin's thumb. But Novaya is one of few liberal exceptions: a genuine, campaigning, investigative newspaper bitterly opposed to the Putin regime and dedicated to exposing top-level corruption. This infuriates the president's administration and other figures. The trial, then, is obvious payback for Lebedev's political activities. |
| But there is another, more shadowy explanation. In recent years a group of corrupt officials deep inside Russia's murky power structures have waged repeated attempts to grab Lebedev's multibillion-pound assets. | But there is another, more shadowy explanation. In recent years a group of corrupt officials deep inside Russia's murky power structures have waged repeated attempts to grab Lebedev's multibillion-pound assets. |
| In 2010 masked gunmen from the FSB, Russia's spy agency, stormed into his Moscow bank. (Lebedev was downstairs in the swimming pool; most of his clients then withdrew their cash.) Lebedev's unpopularity in Kremlin circles makes him vulnerable. The officials behind the raid may be using his perceived weakness vis-a-vis the state as cover to steal his business empire. So it could be about money, rather than politics. | In 2010 masked gunmen from the FSB, Russia's spy agency, stormed into his Moscow bank. (Lebedev was downstairs in the swimming pool; most of his clients then withdrew their cash.) Lebedev's unpopularity in Kremlin circles makes him vulnerable. The officials behind the raid may be using his perceived weakness vis-a-vis the state as cover to steal his business empire. So it could be about money, rather than politics. |
| At this tricky moment in his fortunes Lebedev's obvious next move would be to flee to Britain. After all, his son, Evgeny, lives in London and runs the family's British newspaper titles. In recent months Lebedev has sold most of his Russian assets, reducing his stake in Aeroflot to 5%, flogging off his loss-making airline and selling a couple of properties. He still owns hotels in Italy and Europe's biggest potato farm. | At this tricky moment in his fortunes Lebedev's obvious next move would be to flee to Britain. After all, his son, Evgeny, lives in London and runs the family's British newspaper titles. In recent months Lebedev has sold most of his Russian assets, reducing his stake in Aeroflot to 5%, flogging off his loss-making airline and selling a couple of properties. He still owns hotels in Italy and Europe's biggest potato farm. |
| But as Lebedev pointed out in a recent Guardian interview, what exactly would he do in London? "What mission do I have here? To influence things, I mean. I do not have to influence your judicial system – it's independent and efficient." | But as Lebedev pointed out in a recent Guardian interview, what exactly would he do in London? "What mission do I have here? To influence things, I mean. I do not have to influence your judicial system – it's independent and efficient." |
| Remaining in Russia is a gloomy prospect. Putin returned to the Kremlin a year ago, president for the third time, though in reality he continued to rule Russia while his stand-in, Dmitry Medvedev, held the job. | Remaining in Russia is a gloomy prospect. Putin returned to the Kremlin a year ago, president for the third time, though in reality he continued to rule Russia while his stand-in, Dmitry Medvedev, held the job. |
| Since Putin announced his comeback, tens of thousands of protesters have taken to the streets of Moscow and St Petersburg. The president has responded in typical KGB fashion: peaceful demonstrators have been arrested; laws passed forcing western-funded NGOs to register as foreign agents; US diplomats harassed. | Since Putin announced his comeback, tens of thousands of protesters have taken to the streets of Moscow and St Petersburg. The president has responded in typical KGB fashion: peaceful demonstrators have been arrested; laws passed forcing western-funded NGOs to register as foreign agents; US diplomats harassed. |
| The anti-corruption blogger and opposition leader Alexei Navalny is also on trial, and faces 10 years in jail – the case against him is as daft as Lebedev's and a demonstrative assertion of state power. The Kremlin's direction of travel grows ever darker. | The anti-corruption blogger and opposition leader Alexei Navalny is also on trial, and faces 10 years in jail – the case against him is as daft as Lebedev's and a demonstrative assertion of state power. The Kremlin's direction of travel grows ever darker. |
| The irony of all this is that Lebedev is not Navalny, who memorably branded Putin's United Russia as the party of thieves and crooks. Lebedev has always been careful not to criticise Putin directly. Instead he has blamed bad Russian officials for his country's woes. | The irony of all this is that Lebedev is not Navalny, who memorably branded Putin's United Russia as the party of thieves and crooks. Lebedev has always been careful not to criticise Putin directly. Instead he has blamed bad Russian officials for his country's woes. |
| A prolific blogger and tweeter, Lebedev describes himself as a loyal oppositionist – someone who wants to change Russia by reform rather than by revolution. (Novaya Gazeta's editor, Dmitry Muratov, by contrast, believes that Putin has personally created Russia's vertically corrupt system.) | A prolific blogger and tweeter, Lebedev describes himself as a loyal oppositionist – someone who wants to change Russia by reform rather than by revolution. (Novaya Gazeta's editor, Dmitry Muratov, by contrast, believes that Putin has personally created Russia's vertically corrupt system.) |
| Loyal oppositionist is a neat phrase. But as Russia's civic society shrinks and Soviet methods return, it appears there is no longer space for oxymorons – or for colourful mavericks like Lebedev. | Loyal oppositionist is a neat phrase. But as Russia's civic society shrinks and Soviet methods return, it appears there is no longer space for oxymorons – or for colourful mavericks like Lebedev. |
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