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Iranian Moderate Elected President in Rebuke to Conservatives Iranian Moderate Elected President in Rebuke to Conservatives
(about 1 hour later)
TEHRAN — In a striking repudiation of the ultraconservatives who wield power in Iran, voters on Saturday overwhelmingly elected a mild-mannered cleric seeking greater personal freedoms and a more conciliatory approach to the world. TEHRAN — In a striking repudiation of the ultraconservatives who wield power in Iran, voters have overwhelmingly elected a mild-mannered cleric who campaigned on seeking greater personal freedoms and a more conciliatory approach to the world.
Iranian state television reported that the cleric, Hassan Rowhani, 64, had more than 50 percent of the vote, enough to avoid a runoff in the race to replace the departing president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, whose tenure was defined largely by provocation with the West and a seriously hobbled economy at home. Iranian state television reported on Saturday that the cleric, Hassan Rowhani, 64, had more than 50 percent of the vote, enough to avoid a runoff in the race to replace the departing president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, whose tenure was defined largely by provocation with the West and a seriously hobbled economy at home.
The hard-line conservatives aligned with the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, placed at the back of the pack of six candidates, indicating that Iranians were looking to their next president to change the tone, if not the direction of the nation, by choosing a cleric who served as the lead nuclear negotiator under an earlier reformist president, Mohammad Khatami. The hard-line conservatives aligned with the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, placed at the back of the pack of six candidates, indicating that Iranians were looking for their next president to change the tone, if not the direction of the nation, by choosing a cleric who served as the lead nuclear negotiator under an earlier reformist president, Mohammad Khatami.
During the Khatami era, Iran froze its nuclear program, eased social restrictions and promoted dialogue with the West. But this election, which electrified a nation that had lost faith in its electoral process, also served the supreme leader’s goal, instilling at least a patina of legitimacy back into the theocratic state, providing a safety valve for a public distressed by years of economic malaise and isolation, and returning a cleric to the presidency. Mr. Ahmadinejad was the first noncleric to hold the presidency, and often clashed with the religious order and its traditionalist allies. During the Khatami era, Iran froze its nuclear program, eased social restrictions and promoted dialogue with the West. Friday’s election, which electrified a nation that had lost faith in its electoral process, also served the supreme leader’s goals: restoring at least a patina of legitimacy to the theocratic state, providing a safety valve for a public distressed by years of economic malaise and isolation, and returning a cleric to the presidency. Mr. Ahmadinejad was the first noncleric to hold the presidency, and he often clashed with the religious order and its traditionalist allies.
Mr. Rowhani has also been a strong supporter of the nuclear program, and while he is expected to tone down the tough language, he also once boasted that during the period Iran had suspended enrichment, it made its greatest nuclear advances because the pressure was off. Mr. Rowhani has been a strong supporter of the disputed nuclear program. And while he is expected to tone down the tough language with the West, he also once boasted that during the period that Iran suspended uranium enrichment, it had made its greatest nuclear advances because the pressure was off.
In the Iranian system, the supreme leader holds ultimate power, presiding over the state with ultimate religious and civic authority. He has final say on all matters, but still needs to build consensus within the narrow world of Iran’s political, security and business elite. The president has some control over the economy — the public’s primary concern — and through the bully pulpit of the office he can set the tone of public debate on a wide variety of issues, including the restrictions on young people socializing and the nuclear program. In the Iranian system, the supreme leader is the ultimate religious and civic authority. He has final say on all matters, but still needs to build consensus within the narrow world of Iran’s political, security and business elite. The president has some control over the economy — now the public’s primary concern — and can set the tone of public debate on a variety of issues, including the nuclear program and restrictions on how young people socialize.
The election results put the supreme leader under pressure to allow changes in the country to take place, or allow him to make the kind of changes that might be opposed by hard-liners if they controlled all the levers of power. The results will pressure Ayatollah Khamenei to allow changes, even if they are opposed by hard-liners who control the levers of power.
The ayatollah himself had exhorted Iranians to exercise their right to vote. Analysts are predicting at least some change. “There will be moderation in domestic and foreign policy under Mr. Rowhani,” said Saeed Laylaz, an economist and columnist close to the reformist current of thinking. The ayatollah himself had exhorted Iranians to exercise their right to vote, and analysts are predicting at least some change. “There will be moderation in domestic and foreign policy under Mr. Rowhani,” said Saeed Laylaz, an economist and columnist familiar with the reformists’ thinking.
“First we need to form a centrist and moderate government, reconcile domestic disputes, then he can make changes in our foreign policy,” said Mr. Laylaz, who, in a sign of confidence, agreed to be quoted by name “First we need to form a centrist and moderate government, reconcile domestic disputes, then he can make changes in our foreign policy,” said Mr. Laylaz, who, in a sign of confidence, agreed to be quoted by name.
Using a key as his campaign symbol, Mr. Rowhani focused on issues important to the young, including unemployment and international isolation. Using a key as his campaign symbol, Mr. Rowhani focused on issues important to Iranian youth, including unemployment and international isolation.
“Let’s end extremism,” Mr. Rowhani said during a campaign speech. “We have no other option than moderation.”“Let’s end extremism,” Mr. Rowhani said during a campaign speech. “We have no other option than moderation.”
He criticized the much-hated morality police officers who arrest women for not having proper head scarves and coats. He called for the lifting of restrictions on the Internet. He said that “in consensus with higher officials” political prisoners would be freed. He criticized the much-hated morality police officers who arrest women for not having proper head scarves and coats. He called for the lifting of restrictions on the Internet. He said that “in consensus with higher officials,” political prisoners would be freed.
At the time his campaign words sounded like empty promises to many potential voters, who pointed out that Mr. Rowhani did not enjoy the support of those in power. They often seemed like empty promises to many voters, who pointed out that Mr. Rowhani did not enjoy the support of those in power.
But support from two former presidents, Mr. Khatami and Ali Akbar Rafsanjani, himself disqualified from participating, lifted Mr. Rowhani’s status, helping him to tap into the votes of millions of dissatisfied Iranians. But the backing of Mr. Khatami and another former president, Ali Akbar Rafsanjani — who was disqualified from running himself — lifted Mr. Rowhani’s campaign and helped win the votes of millions of dissatisfied Iranians.
His appeal to the younger generation was crucial in a nation where there is an increasing divide between the millions of youths — two thirds of the 70 million population are under 35 — and the ruling hard-liners who use morality police, Internet blocking and other harsh measures to try to mold those born after the revolution. His appeal to younger voters was crucial in a nation where there is an increasing divide between the millions of youths — two thirds of Iran’s 70 million people are under 35 — and the hard-liners in government who use the morality police, block the Internet and carry out other harsh measures to try to mold those born after the revolution in 1979.
Many Iranians were disillusioned with their system after the 2009 election, when millions took to the streets because they felt the election had been rigged to allow Mr. Ahmadinejad to return to office. The government dispatched security forces to silence the opposition and placed the leadership of the so-called Green Movement under house arrest for years. Many Iranians became disillusioned after the 2009 election, when millions took to the streets because they believed the vote had been rigged to allow Mr. Ahmadinejad to return to office. The government dispatched security forces to silence the opposition and placed the leaders of the so-called Green Movement under house arrest for years.
But within the circumscribed world of Iranian politics the public looked to the vote as a chance to push back. But within the circumscribed world of Iranian politics the public looked to the latest election as a chance to push back.
When Fatemeh, 58, took a seat in the women’s compartment of the Tehran subway on Saturday, she did what she always did, discreetly listening to those around her. When a 58-year-old woman named Fatemeh took a seat in the women’s compartment of the Tehran subway on Saturday, she did what she always did, discreetly listening to those around her.
Now, to her surprise, Mr. Rowhani, had won. “They were all shocked, like me,” she said. “It is unbelievable. Have the people really won?”
“They were all shocked, like me,” she said. “It is unbelievable, have the people really won?” Beaten down by pessimism and expecting that Iran could only change for the worse, many awoke on Saturday anticipating that the conservative clerics and the members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps who have been amassing power over the past years would alter the outcome in their favor.
Feeling defeated by pessimism and expecting Iran could only change for the worse, many awoke on Saturday anticipating that the conservative clerics and Revolutionary Guard Corps members who have been amassing power over the past years would alter the outcome of the vote in their favor. Instead, state television, which is under the conservatives’ control, meticulously broadcast the results that came in more slowly than usual, with all showing a clear lead for Mr. Rowhani.
Instead state television, which is under their control, meticulously broadcast the results that came in more slowly than usual, and all showed a clear lead for Mr. Rowhani.
“I thought they would trick us, engineer a runoff with another candidate and make Rowhani lose,” said Reyhan, 30, a poet.“I thought they would trick us, engineer a runoff with another candidate and make Rowhani lose,” said Reyhan, 30, a poet.
Random interviews with many Iranians who voted on Friday suggested they had felt conflicted about casting any vote among the carefully vetted field of six candidates. But they said at least Mr. Rowhani represented a distinct change from the combative bombast of Mr. Ahmadinejad, who presided over a painful economic decline and the country’s troubling ostracism. Interviews with Iranians who voted on Friday suggested that they were conflicted about choosing any of the six carefully vetted candidates. But they said at least Mr. Rowhani represented a distinct change from the bombast of Mr. Ahmadinejad, who presided over a painful economic decline and increased the country’s international ostracism.
“We need to end these eight years of horror,” said Mehdi, 29, while leaving a polling station in Narmak, the neighborhood where Mr. Ahmadinejad had lived before he was elected in 2005. “I thought of not voting, but we cannot stand aside. “We need to end these eight years of horror,” Mehdi, 29, said while leaving a polling station in Narmak, the Tehran neighborhood where Mr. Ahmadinejad had lived before he was elected in 2005. “I thought of not voting, but we cannot stand aside.”
“Either Rowhani wins, or we leave the country,” he said as his wife nodded. On Saturday Mr. Khatami, a prominent reformist politician, wrote an open letter to the ayatollah seeking relief for the leaders of the opposition movement, the former prime minister Mir Hossein Mousavi, his wife, Zahra Rahnavard, and cleric Mehdi Kerroubi, the opposition Web site Kalame reported. They have been under house arrest for years. “Either Rowhani wins or we leave the country,” he said as his wife nodded. On Saturday, Mr. Khatami wrote an open letter to the ayatollah seeking a reprieve for the leaders of the opposition movement, the former prime minister Mir Hossein Mousavi; his wife, Zahra Rahnavard; and the cleric Mehdi Karroubi, the opposition Web site Kalame reported. They have been under house arrest for years.
“This is a request by millions of reformists who played a crucial role in fulfilling the Leader’s wish and now they request the Leader to respond positively to their demand and fill their hearts with joy," Mr. Khatami wrote in an open letter titled "today is the day of mercy". “This is a request by millions of reformists who played a crucial role in fulfilling the Leader’s wish and now they request the Leader to respond positively to their demand and fill their hearts with joy,” Mr. Khatami wrote in his letter, titled “Today Is the Day of Mercy.”
For the West, Mr. Rowhani’s election means a possible new opportunity for at least a change in tone in the long stalled nuclear talks. For the West, Mr. Rowhani’s election means a possible opportunity for at least a change in tone in the long-stalled nuclear talks.
In a way, the elections were a referendum on the tactics of the talks. Mr. Rowhani was Iran’s nuclear negotiator in 2004, when Iran agreed to voluntary suspension of uranium enrichment. That suspension was reversed under Mr. Ahmadinejad’s tenure and the replacement of Mr. Rowhani with Mr. Jalili, the current negotiator, who ran his presidential campaign promising “No compromise.”Mr. Rowhani faced scathing attacks by Mr. Jalili, who suggested Mr. Rowhani had betrayed the country. In an important pre-election speech Ayatollah Khamenei also implicitly warned Mr. Rowhani that it was “wrong” to think that there could be any compromise with western nations. In a way, the election was a referendum on Iran’s tactics in the talks. Mr. Rowhani was Iran’s nuclear negotiator in 2004, when Iran agreed to voluntary suspend its uranium enrichment. That suspension was reversed under Mr. Ahmadinejad, and Mr. Rowhani was replaced with Saeed Jalili, the establishment’s favorite for president and a protégé of Ayatollah Khamenei. He promised “no compromise” during the campaign and was scathing in his attacks on Mr. Rowhani, whom he suggested had betrayed the country.
On Saturday a member of parliament, Sharif Husseini, warned that “nothing would change” in Iran’s nuclear policies regardless of the presidential election outcome. ”All these policies have been decided by the supreme leader,” he was quoted as saying by the Iranian Students’ News Agency. In a pre-election speech, Ayatollah Khamenei also implicitly warned Mr. Rowhani that it was “wrong” to think that there could be any compromise with Western nations.
On Saturday, a member of Parliament, Sharif Husseini, said that “nothing would change” in Iran’s nuclear policies regardless of the election’s outcome.
“All these policies have been decided by the supreme leader,” he was quoted as saying by the Iranian Students’ News Agency.
But some Iranian experts in the West were not so sure.But some Iranian experts in the West were not so sure.
“While the Supreme Leader firmly controls that file, tone matters,” said Cliff Kupchan, who follows Iran for the Eurasia Group, a political risk consulting firm in Washington. “If the U.S. and Iran get into a room this fall and our side doesn’t have to listen to a 60-minute harangue, the dynamics could be different.” “While the supreme leader firmly controls that file, tone matters,” said Cliff Kupchan, who follows Iran for the Eurasia Group, a political risk consulting firm in Washington. “If the U.S. and Iran get into a room this fall and our side doesn’t have to listen to a 60-minute harangue, the dynamics could be different.”
Gary G. Sick, a Columbia University academic who specializes in Iran and served on the National Security Council during the Ford, Carter and Reagan administrations, also foresaw a possible shift. Gary G. Sick, a Columbia University scholar who specializes in Iran and served on the National Security Council during the Ford, Carter and Reagan administrations, also foresaw a possible shift.
“The reality is the Supreme Leader maybe the guy who calls all the shots, but he changes his mind, he has permitted all kinds of things to be tried,” Mr. Sick said. “The reality is the supreme leader may be the guy who calls all the shots, but he changes his mind; he has permitted all kinds of things to be tried,” Mr. Sick said.
Putting himself in the position of the American nuclear negotiating team with Iran, Mr. Sick, said: “What would I prefer? Would I really rather have Jalili, or Rowhani?” Putting himself in the position of the American nuclear negotiating team, Mr. Sick, said: “What would I prefer? Would I really rather have Jalili, or Rowhani?”

Rick Gladstone contributed reporting from New York.

Rick Gladstone contributed reporting from New York.