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How Sweden's innovative housing programme fell foul of privatisation How Sweden's innovative housing programme fell foul of privatisation
(4 months later)
Like those in London two years ago, the recent riots that swept across Stockholm recently were sparked when a man was shot by police. Yet the burning cars and battles with the police were in peripheral districts around the centre, while in London, "mixed" inner-city districts from Peckham to Clapham saw much of the unrest. That apparent difference hides a long history of mutual appreciation between the town planners of Britain and Sweden.Like those in London two years ago, the recent riots that swept across Stockholm recently were sparked when a man was shot by police. Yet the burning cars and battles with the police were in peripheral districts around the centre, while in London, "mixed" inner-city districts from Peckham to Clapham saw much of the unrest. That apparent difference hides a long history of mutual appreciation between the town planners of Britain and Sweden.
Sweden has long been a point of reference in British politics. The Labour right admired its partnership between unions and business, the Labour left preferred the independent foreign policy and a deeper, stronger welfare state. More recently, Conservatives have borrowed free schools from Swedish neoliberals, secure in the knowledge that the word "Swedish" makes a policy sound progressive. For planners, Sweden's towns have long been models of intervention and equality.Sweden has long been a point of reference in British politics. The Labour right admired its partnership between unions and business, the Labour left preferred the independent foreign policy and a deeper, stronger welfare state. More recently, Conservatives have borrowed free schools from Swedish neoliberals, secure in the knowledge that the word "Swedish" makes a policy sound progressive. For planners, Sweden's towns have long been models of intervention and equality.
Sweden's Social Democrats, in government from 1932 to 1976, did not favour "social" housing directed specifically towards those in need, but universal public housing, via tenant-owned co-operatives, municipal-owned building companies, and rigorous rent control, under a specialised housing department.Sweden's Social Democrats, in government from 1932 to 1976, did not favour "social" housing directed specifically towards those in need, but universal public housing, via tenant-owned co-operatives, municipal-owned building companies, and rigorous rent control, under a specialised housing department.
Vällingby, to the west of Stockholm, built in the early 1950s, was one result – and a place of pilgrimage for British planners and architects. Tower blocks are interspersed with low-rises and terraces, just as in the "mixed developments" of the UK; but rather than vague municipal lawns, the low-rise flats have a forest just behind them, something borrowed in part for Cumbernauld new town. Vällingby's pedestrian precinct, conversely, was inspired by the centres of Coventry and Stevenage – but unlike them it still looks affluent and elegant.Vällingby, to the west of Stockholm, built in the early 1950s, was one result – and a place of pilgrimage for British planners and architects. Tower blocks are interspersed with low-rises and terraces, just as in the "mixed developments" of the UK; but rather than vague municipal lawns, the low-rise flats have a forest just behind them, something borrowed in part for Cumbernauld new town. Vällingby's pedestrian precinct, conversely, was inspired by the centres of Coventry and Stevenage – but unlike them it still looks affluent and elegant.
The riots were largely confined to the estates built under the "million programme" of the 60s and 70s, when the Social Democrats tried to solve the housing question at one prefabricated stroke. Casually, these places could be compared with our stacked-up Ronan Points of the same era, but the similarities are deceptive. A typical million programme area on the outskirts of Stockholm is Flemingsberg, site of some of May's unrest. From the adjacent motorway it really does look monolithic, but on foot, it's verdant, pretty and bustling. A London comparison would be the Heygate estate – imposing from a distance, green inside. The striking difference with Vällingby and even more with the centre is that it's not racially homogeneous, with a high non-white population. It suggests Stockholm is a deeply segregated city. How did this happen?The riots were largely confined to the estates built under the "million programme" of the 60s and 70s, when the Social Democrats tried to solve the housing question at one prefabricated stroke. Casually, these places could be compared with our stacked-up Ronan Points of the same era, but the similarities are deceptive. A typical million programme area on the outskirts of Stockholm is Flemingsberg, site of some of May's unrest. From the adjacent motorway it really does look monolithic, but on foot, it's verdant, pretty and bustling. A London comparison would be the Heygate estate – imposing from a distance, green inside. The striking difference with Vällingby and even more with the centre is that it's not racially homogeneous, with a high non-white population. It suggests Stockholm is a deeply segregated city. How did this happen?
Under conservative governments in the 1990s and 2000s, housing began to be privatised, with predictable results, especially given the British experience. Flats in the most desirable areas – here, the city centre – rocketed in price. Yet Stockholm has kept building, and British architects and planners have kept visiting. The "success story" is Hammarby Sjöstad, a waterside scheme which shames the likes of Salford Quays. As much as Vällingby, it shows the virtues of long-term planning over speculation.Under conservative governments in the 1990s and 2000s, housing began to be privatised, with predictable results, especially given the British experience. Flats in the most desirable areas – here, the city centre – rocketed in price. Yet Stockholm has kept building, and British architects and planners have kept visiting. The "success story" is Hammarby Sjöstad, a waterside scheme which shames the likes of Salford Quays. As much as Vällingby, it shows the virtues of long-term planning over speculation.
But although some of Hammarby was built by the municipality, it's a wealthy and overwhelmingly white area, and rents are high. It offers little to those exiled to the peripheral million programmes. Hammarby implies that in Sweden, social democracy was only abandoned for the poor. Its innovations were retained for a bourgeoisie whose new areas are far more humane than those provided for them by British developers.But although some of Hammarby was built by the municipality, it's a wealthy and overwhelmingly white area, and rents are high. It offers little to those exiled to the peripheral million programmes. Hammarby implies that in Sweden, social democracy was only abandoned for the poor. Its innovations were retained for a bourgeoisie whose new areas are far more humane than those provided for them by British developers.
In Stockholm, the centre was cleared of the poor – the likely consequences in London of coalition's housing policies. The stark segregation visible there means that for the first time, it should stand as an example to London's planners of what not to do.In Stockholm, the centre was cleared of the poor – the likely consequences in London of coalition's housing policies. The stark segregation visible there means that for the first time, it should stand as an example to London's planners of what not to do.
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