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What is the Gillard v Rudd civil war actually about? What is the Gillard v Rudd civil war actually about?
(4 months later)
You’re getting into the realm of evil here with Rudd, the realm of evil, with someone who has gone well beyond normal practices in politics …You’re getting into the realm of evil here with Rudd, the realm of evil, with someone who has gone well beyond normal practices in politics …
That’s Mark Latham talking about Kevin Rudd last week.That’s Mark Latham talking about Kevin Rudd last week.
For most of us, the "realm of evil" sounds like a kingdom from Game of Thrones. But for the former federal parliamentary Australian labor party leader, it’s where Rudd plots his "jihad of revenge, the like of which we’ve never seen before in the history of Australian politics."For most of us, the "realm of evil" sounds like a kingdom from Game of Thrones. But for the former federal parliamentary Australian labor party leader, it’s where Rudd plots his "jihad of revenge, the like of which we’ve never seen before in the history of Australian politics."
Since the publication of his diaries, Latham, of course, has proved himself as a connoisseur of political revenge. But his current rhetoric says less about Rudd than about the generalised loathing with which the various Labor playmakers regard each other.Since the publication of his diaries, Latham, of course, has proved himself as a connoisseur of political revenge. But his current rhetoric says less about Rudd than about the generalised loathing with which the various Labor playmakers regard each other.
For Gillard and her supporters, Rudd’s a wrecker whose disloyalty and ambition has brought the ALP to the brink of annihilation. Of course, that’s exactly what the Ruddites say about Gillard and the faction leaders who installed her in power.For Gillard and her supporters, Rudd’s a wrecker whose disloyalty and ambition has brought the ALP to the brink of annihilation. Of course, that’s exactly what the Ruddites say about Gillard and the faction leaders who installed her in power.
It’s easy to get caught up in the melodrama of the leadership, precisely because the Rudd-Gillard feud plays out so much like a HBO miniseries. Just as we all have our favourite characters in Westeros, the struggle within the ALP invites us to identify with the House of Rudd or the House of Gillard.It’s easy to get caught up in the melodrama of the leadership, precisely because the Rudd-Gillard feud plays out so much like a HBO miniseries. Just as we all have our favourite characters in Westeros, the struggle within the ALP invites us to identify with the House of Rudd or the House of Gillard.
But what does the battle for Labor’s throne mean for voters – we peasants, if you like? What’s the ALP’s civil war actually about?But what does the battle for Labor’s throne mean for voters – we peasants, if you like? What’s the ALP’s civil war actually about?
Oddly, the question rarely gets asked. The leadership question has dominated the front pages for months, with the strategic possibilities for each contender studied from every conceivable angle. Yet we hear almost nothing about actual politics. Polls, yes – all analysed to death. But ideas? Not so much.Oddly, the question rarely gets asked. The leadership question has dominated the front pages for months, with the strategic possibilities for each contender studied from every conceivable angle. Yet we hear almost nothing about actual politics. Polls, yes – all analysed to death. But ideas? Not so much.
What policies does Rudd represent and how are they different from those advocated by Gillard? Neither camp can explain, and barely anyone asks. Instead, the focus lies entirely on electability, which is why the rhythms of the crisis beat so precisely in time with the release of the various opinion surveys.What policies does Rudd represent and how are they different from those advocated by Gillard? Neither camp can explain, and barely anyone asks. Instead, the focus lies entirely on electability, which is why the rhythms of the crisis beat so precisely in time with the release of the various opinion surveys.
On the weekend, the Australian’s Paul Kelly suggested that, as leader, Rudd would abandon the Gonski school reforms. But this – the apparent emergence of a genuine difference ­– simply confirmed the ideological emptiness of the conflict.On the weekend, the Australian’s Paul Kelly suggested that, as leader, Rudd would abandon the Gonski school reforms. But this – the apparent emergence of a genuine difference ­– simply confirmed the ideological emptiness of the conflict.
Think of Rudd’s final words as prime minister, uttered just before the leadership ballot that deposed him:Think of Rudd’s final words as prime minister, uttered just before the leadership ballot that deposed him:
If I return as the leader of the government and prime minister, I will be very clear of one thing, this party and government will not be lurching to the right on the question of asylum seekers.If I return as the leader of the government and prime minister, I will be very clear of one thing, this party and government will not be lurching to the right on the question of asylum seekers.
In other words, back then, Rudd condemned the Gillardites for assuaging the polls by pushing rightward. If Kelly’s correct, that now seems to be precisely the tactic he’s embraced on Gonski: abandoning a controversial policy not out of any particular conviction but simply to make Labor a smaller target. We might equally note that the Rudd camp is saying nothing about rolling back Gillard’s punitive approach to asylum seekers, presumably because that would entail tacking against the polling on refugees.In other words, back then, Rudd condemned the Gillardites for assuaging the polls by pushing rightward. If Kelly’s correct, that now seems to be precisely the tactic he’s embraced on Gonski: abandoning a controversial policy not out of any particular conviction but simply to make Labor a smaller target. We might equally note that the Rudd camp is saying nothing about rolling back Gillard’s punitive approach to asylum seekers, presumably because that would entail tacking against the polling on refugees.
So it has always been with the Rudd-Gillard rivalry. Geoffrey Robinson’s analysis of Rudd’s earlier challenge in remains entirely salient today:So it has always been with the Rudd-Gillard rivalry. Geoffrey Robinson’s analysis of Rudd’s earlier challenge in remains entirely salient today:
Statements by left MPs supporting Rudd were almost devoid of any reference to policy and instead cited Rudd’s electoral popularity. Rudd’s own appeal to caucus members was almost empty of policy content: vague references to the importance of manufacturing and a gimmicky scheme of HECS remission were all that he offered.Statements by left MPs supporting Rudd were almost devoid of any reference to policy and instead cited Rudd’s electoral popularity. Rudd’s own appeal to caucus members was almost empty of policy content: vague references to the importance of manufacturing and a gimmicky scheme of HECS remission were all that he offered.
What about Gillard? The scandalously sexist treatment she’s received, coupled with her fighting speech aimed at Tony Abbott’s misogyny, hinted that Gillard might embody a feminist alternative to Rudd. But Gillard’s feminism seems paper thin.What about Gillard? The scandalously sexist treatment she’s received, coupled with her fighting speech aimed at Tony Abbott’s misogyny, hinted that Gillard might embody a feminist alternative to Rudd. But Gillard’s feminism seems paper thin.
Remember, after becoming prime minister, Gillard said very little about feminism. On the contrary, she told parliament she was a "cultural traditionalist", someone who opposed euthanasia and same-sex marriage on the basis of traditional values. She explained: "I had a pro-union, pro-Labor upbringing in a quite conservative family, in a sense of personal values. I mean we believed in lots of things that are old fashioned in the modern age." What did that mean? "I think for our culture, for our heritage," she said, "the Marriage Act and marriage being between a man and a woman has a special status."Remember, after becoming prime minister, Gillard said very little about feminism. On the contrary, she told parliament she was a "cultural traditionalist", someone who opposed euthanasia and same-sex marriage on the basis of traditional values. She explained: "I had a pro-union, pro-Labor upbringing in a quite conservative family, in a sense of personal values. I mean we believed in lots of things that are old fashioned in the modern age." What did that mean? "I think for our culture, for our heritage," she said, "the Marriage Act and marriage being between a man and a woman has a special status."
If anything, Gillard distinguished herself not on the basis of challenging traditional ideas but by upholding them. Unlike the Greens, she said, Labor delighted in "sharing the values of every day Australians, in our cities, suburbs, towns and bush, who day after day do the right thing, leading purposeful and dignified lives, driven by love of family and nation."If anything, Gillard distinguished herself not on the basis of challenging traditional ideas but by upholding them. Unlike the Greens, she said, Labor delighted in "sharing the values of every day Australians, in our cities, suburbs, towns and bush, who day after day do the right thing, leading purposeful and dignified lives, driven by love of family and nation."
At that time, she was appealing to the Australian Christian Lobby and the social conservatives in some of the right-wing unions, declaring that "what comes from the Bible has formed such an important part of our culture". She even challenged Abbott over his scriptural knowledge.At that time, she was appealing to the Australian Christian Lobby and the social conservatives in some of the right-wing unions, declaring that "what comes from the Bible has formed such an important part of our culture". She even challenged Abbott over his scriptural knowledge.
Ironically, the other MP who might put up a good showing in that scriptural quote-off is Kevin Rudd, a longtime mainstay of the parliamentary prayer group. But that comparison itself illustrates the ideological weightlessness of the Labor contenders. Rudd’s a socially conservative Christian – and yet he’s embraced same-sex marriage, when the atheist Gillard has not.Ironically, the other MP who might put up a good showing in that scriptural quote-off is Kevin Rudd, a longtime mainstay of the parliamentary prayer group. But that comparison itself illustrates the ideological weightlessness of the Labor contenders. Rudd’s a socially conservative Christian – and yet he’s embraced same-sex marriage, when the atheist Gillard has not.
It would not be correct to say there’s nothing at stake in Labor’s leadership battle. After all, Gillard and Rudd represent different constituencies within the party and so the result of their contest will have major internal consequences. But why should that matter to voters, particularly since the intricate web of power relations within Labor remain entirely opaque to anyone outside the party?It would not be correct to say there’s nothing at stake in Labor’s leadership battle. After all, Gillard and Rudd represent different constituencies within the party and so the result of their contest will have major internal consequences. But why should that matter to voters, particularly since the intricate web of power relations within Labor remain entirely opaque to anyone outside the party?
Indeed, the lack of policy difference between the candidates raises the obvious question: will the leadership actually make a difference come polling day? At present, every survey gives Rudd a considerable lead over Gillard. But, given Rudd’s provided no indication of how his platform would differ from hers, is it not entirely possible that his ostensible popularity simply stems from not being in power?Indeed, the lack of policy difference between the candidates raises the obvious question: will the leadership actually make a difference come polling day? At present, every survey gives Rudd a considerable lead over Gillard. But, given Rudd’s provided no indication of how his platform would differ from hers, is it not entirely possible that his ostensible popularity simply stems from not being in power?
To put it another way, what if voters don’t simply want a different face? What if the disillusion with Labor actually represents a rejection of ALP policies, not personalities?To put it another way, what if voters don’t simply want a different face? What if the disillusion with Labor actually represents a rejection of ALP policies, not personalities?
Maybe, just maybe, the problem’s not who’s sitting on the throne. Maybe the problem lies with the game itself.Maybe, just maybe, the problem’s not who’s sitting on the throne. Maybe the problem lies with the game itself.
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