This article is from the source 'guardian' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.

You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2013/jul/17/labour-politics-editorial

The article has changed 2 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.

Version 0 Version 1
Labour politics: the meh index Labour politics: the meh index
(2 months later)
Lord Ashcroft, the Tory millionaire who bankrolls some of the most interesting political polling being done at the moment, has a clever way with a definition. His latest research, puncturing the ambitions of his party's outside right MPs as they were set out in an alternative Queen's speech, confirms that some of the policies most hotly contested at Westminster arouse almost zero interest beyond. These are the policies on what he calls the "meh" index, a kind of inventory of indifference. This problem of the question that's important but not interesting (a third of voters, for example, had no view on whether Britain should stay in the EU) is a serious dilemma for all parties. Whoever can answer the question of how to re-engage on issues beyond crime and immigration wins the election.Lord Ashcroft, the Tory millionaire who bankrolls some of the most interesting political polling being done at the moment, has a clever way with a definition. His latest research, puncturing the ambitions of his party's outside right MPs as they were set out in an alternative Queen's speech, confirms that some of the policies most hotly contested at Westminster arouse almost zero interest beyond. These are the policies on what he calls the "meh" index, a kind of inventory of indifference. This problem of the question that's important but not interesting (a third of voters, for example, had no view on whether Britain should stay in the EU) is a serious dilemma for all parties. Whoever can answer the question of how to re-engage on issues beyond crime and immigration wins the election.
It isn't just a problem for Westminster politicians. It's undermining democracy at every level. As we report, Len McCluskey, general secretary of Unite, the country's biggest union, says he can't justify affiliating a million members to a party they don't vote for. Whatever his motives for saying it – and it probably wasn't just a philosophical reflection – it is still a reasonable point. It is likely, too, that if they don't vote Labour, many of them don't vote at all. Earlier this week the Guardian reported startling findings of its latest state of the parties poll, which suggested Labour's long-term double-digit lead had evaporated and the two main parties were now neck and neck. Because ICM excludes non-voters to reach their headline figures for voting intentions, and traditionally Labour has to work harder than other parties to get their vote out, a high "meh" factor may partly explain its findings. Hardly news for Labour, but it is a reminder of how much there is still to be done as the political rollercoaster starts the long run up to a 2015 election.It isn't just a problem for Westminster politicians. It's undermining democracy at every level. As we report, Len McCluskey, general secretary of Unite, the country's biggest union, says he can't justify affiliating a million members to a party they don't vote for. Whatever his motives for saying it – and it probably wasn't just a philosophical reflection – it is still a reasonable point. It is likely, too, that if they don't vote Labour, many of them don't vote at all. Earlier this week the Guardian reported startling findings of its latest state of the parties poll, which suggested Labour's long-term double-digit lead had evaporated and the two main parties were now neck and neck. Because ICM excludes non-voters to reach their headline figures for voting intentions, and traditionally Labour has to work harder than other parties to get their vote out, a high "meh" factor may partly explain its findings. Hardly news for Labour, but it is a reminder of how much there is still to be done as the political rollercoaster starts the long run up to a 2015 election.
Labour people point out – reasonably – that the party is in a much better place than it has ever been before after a period in government, something no student of Labour history could possibly dispute. And while it is true that Ed Miliband often looks less than a leader with a strong team of supporters, at least he's not at the head of a party intent on self harm. Holding a party together in opposition, after defeat, is then a sort of achievement. But it's barely first base in the real challenge of persuading voters to reconsider and to re-engage. And while attacking the Tories as the party of privilege and lobbyists, including Mr Cameron's own adviser Lynton Crosby – Mr Miliband's best line on Wednesday was branding the Conservatives as the party of Benson and hedge funds – works well in the bear pit of the Commons, but it will only have any impact beyond if it's reframed in a way that makes sense to the millions of people for whom politics currently seems irrelevant.Labour people point out – reasonably – that the party is in a much better place than it has ever been before after a period in government, something no student of Labour history could possibly dispute. And while it is true that Ed Miliband often looks less than a leader with a strong team of supporters, at least he's not at the head of a party intent on self harm. Holding a party together in opposition, after defeat, is then a sort of achievement. But it's barely first base in the real challenge of persuading voters to reconsider and to re-engage. And while attacking the Tories as the party of privilege and lobbyists, including Mr Cameron's own adviser Lynton Crosby – Mr Miliband's best line on Wednesday was branding the Conservatives as the party of Benson and hedge funds – works well in the bear pit of the Commons, but it will only have any impact beyond if it's reframed in a way that makes sense to the millions of people for whom politics currently seems irrelevant.
So this summer he has to find a persuasive alternative vision to the one Mr Cameron began to sketch out in the Commons yesterday. The Tory leader's list of successes, inaudibly subtitled "don't let Labour ruin it" – the repatriation of Abu Qatada, a small improvement in unemployment, populist changes to benefits, a hint of a hint of a recovery – will send his backbenchers off for summer in better spirits than they have been in for a while. Labour has to keep in on a conversation that, to Mr Miliband's credit, he has sometimes effectively anticipated. His "squeezed middle" narrative is more and more relevant to millions of voters who are in work but underemployed, who rely nervously on cheap credit, and worry about their pensions as inflation starts to bite into stagnant wages. It's important that voters feel he understands their problems. But he is still a distance off inspiring confidence that, against sustained Tory attack, he can do the right thing about them. In that context, the historic reconfiguration of his party's relationship with the trade unions that Mr McCluskey has precipitated is a vital test in a much wider arena than the Labour movement, for it is Mr Miliband's opportunity to show a capacity for leadership that voters currently doubt.So this summer he has to find a persuasive alternative vision to the one Mr Cameron began to sketch out in the Commons yesterday. The Tory leader's list of successes, inaudibly subtitled "don't let Labour ruin it" – the repatriation of Abu Qatada, a small improvement in unemployment, populist changes to benefits, a hint of a hint of a recovery – will send his backbenchers off for summer in better spirits than they have been in for a while. Labour has to keep in on a conversation that, to Mr Miliband's credit, he has sometimes effectively anticipated. His "squeezed middle" narrative is more and more relevant to millions of voters who are in work but underemployed, who rely nervously on cheap credit, and worry about their pensions as inflation starts to bite into stagnant wages. It's important that voters feel he understands their problems. But he is still a distance off inspiring confidence that, against sustained Tory attack, he can do the right thing about them. In that context, the historic reconfiguration of his party's relationship with the trade unions that Mr McCluskey has precipitated is a vital test in a much wider arena than the Labour movement, for it is Mr Miliband's opportunity to show a capacity for leadership that voters currently doubt.
Our editors' picks for the day's top news and commentary delivered to your inbox each morning.