'At Bo Xilai Trial, a Goal to Blast Acts, Not Ideas' diff viewer (0/1)

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At Bo Xilai Trial, a Goal to Blast Acts, Not Ideas	At Bo Xilai Trial, a Goal to Blast Acts, Not Ideas
2013-08-21 01:50:16 UTC	2013-08-21 02:25:08 UTC (35 minutes later)
BEIJING — The paraphernalia of the global left litters the bookstore called Utopia on the sixth floor of an office tower here: tomes titled “Mao Zedong’s Road to Success” and “The Marxian Legacy,” and canvas satchels with Che Guevara’s visage.	BEIJING — The paraphernalia of the global left litters the bookstore called Utopia on the sixth floor of an office tower here: tomes titled “Mao Zedong’s Road to Success” and “The Marxian Legacy,” and canvas satchels with Che Guevara’s visage.
But the store’s most important product, a Web site that gives voice to the Chinese left, is missing. “It’s still shut down,” said a woman working at the store. Chinese officials forced the site to close in April 2012 because of its fervent backing of Bo Xilai, the former Communist official who invoked Maoist talk to rally popular support during his four-year governance of Chongqing in southwest China. A new site set up by the store is used mainly to sell books and publish nonpolemical commentaries.	But the store’s most important product, a Web site that gives voice to the Chinese left, is missing. “It’s still shut down,” said a woman working at the store. Chinese officials forced the site to close in April 2012 because of its fervent backing of Bo Xilai, the former Communist official who invoked Maoist talk to rally popular support during his four-year governance of Chongqing in southwest China. A new site set up by the store is used mainly to sell books and publish nonpolemical commentaries.
With Mr. Bo set to go on trial on Thursday on charges of corruption, taking bribes and abusing power, China’s leaders are engaged in a delicate balancing act. On the one hand, they aim to parade Mr. Bo as a criminal and silence his most vocal supporters. On the other, they want to avoid tarring the leftist policies he championed or alienating important revolutionary families.	With Mr. Bo set to go on trial on Thursday on charges of corruption, taking bribes and abusing power, China’s leaders are engaged in a delicate balancing act. On the one hand, they aim to parade Mr. Bo as a criminal and silence his most vocal supporters. On the other, they want to avoid tarring the leftist policies he championed or alienating important revolutionary families.
The tension lays bare the continuing need to preserve the vaunted place of the party’s original ideology in China’s political life, nearly 35 years after the party turned from Maoism to economic reform and opening. As Mr. Bo showed, the ideology remains the most fundamental wellspring that Chinese politicians can tap for popular support and legitimacy. Some political analysts say China’s leader, Xi Jinping, is taking a page from the Bo playbook when he stresses the importance of learning from Mao and Marx and pushes an old-school “mass line” rectification campaign among party officials.	The tension lays bare the continuing need to preserve the vaunted place of the party’s original ideology in China’s political life, nearly 35 years after the party turned from Maoism to economic reform and opening. As Mr. Bo showed, the ideology remains the most fundamental wellspring that Chinese politicians can tap for popular support and legitimacy. Some political analysts say China’s leader, Xi Jinping, is taking a page from the Bo playbook when he stresses the importance of learning from Mao and Marx and pushes an old-school “mass line” rectification campaign among party officials.
Those analysts, and leftist allies of Mr. Bo, point out that the charges against him deal mainly with financial transgressions earlier in his career — taking bribes from Xu Ming, a tycoon and old friend, is said to be the biggest criminal act— rather than anything substantially related to the controversial policies he championed during his governance of Chongqing. There, from 2008 to his dismissal in March 2012, when a murder scandal involving his wife and a dead British businessman emerged, he pushed policies in the name of socialist revival. They ranged from building low-cost housing to promoting mass Communist “red song” ~~sing-alongs~~ to battling corruption in a “strike black” campaign that liberals criticized for its human rights abuses.	Those analysts, and leftist allies of Mr. Bo, point out that the charges against him deal mainly with financial transgressions earlier in his career — taking bribes from Xu Ming, a tycoon and old friend, is said to be the biggest criminal act— rather than anything substantially related to the controversial policies he championed during his governance of Chongqing. There, from 2008 to his dismissal in March 2012, when a murder scandal involving his wife and a dead British businessman emerged, he pushed policies in the name of socialist revival. They ranged from building low-cost housing to promoting mass Communist “red song” singalongs to battling corruption in a “strike black” campaign that liberals criticized for its human rights abuses.
“People believed in Bo Xilai because he held up the banner of Mao Zedong,” said Yang Fan, a professor at the China University of Political Science and Law, and a founder of the Utopia Web site. “If you don’t use the banner of Mao, you’re nobody. Who would believe in you?”	“People believed in Bo Xilai because he held up the banner of Mao Zedong,” said Yang Fan, a professor at the China University of Political Science and Law, and a founder of the Utopia Web site. “If you don’t use the banner of Mao, you’re nobody. Who would believe in you?”
“Even more than Bo Xilai,” Mr. Yang added, Mr. Xi “uses a lot of Mao’s words.”	“Even more than Bo Xilai,” Mr. Yang added, Mr. Xi “uses a lot of Mao’s words.”
Yet as the trial approaches, the party is intensifying its clampdown on Mr. Bo’s leftist supporters. Some have been detained, others ordered to avoid making public comments. In late June, a former college teacher, Wang Zheng, who had gone to Chongqing to help local Bo supporters find exculpatory evidence, was forced to fly back to Beijing, where she was detained in the suburbs, according to a first-person account posted online.	Yet as the trial approaches, the party is intensifying its clampdown on Mr. Bo’s leftist supporters. Some have been detained, others ordered to avoid making public comments. In late June, a former college teacher, Wang Zheng, who had gone to Chongqing to help local Bo supporters find exculpatory evidence, was forced to fly back to Beijing, where she was detained in the suburbs, according to a first-person account posted online.
Fears of Bo-inspired dissent are not unfounded. Ardent leftists have insisted that the prosecution of Mr. Bo is rooted in personal vendettas. The “Red Hometown” Web site signified the party’s announcement of his trial date on Sunday with a headline beginning, “Tragedy!” Leftist commentators have continued to depict the case as a plot. Last year, leftists circulated an extraordinary petition online calling for the impeachment of Wen Jiabao, a political enemy of Mr. Bo who was then the prime minister; it got more than 1,600 signatures.	Fears of Bo-inspired dissent are not unfounded. Ardent leftists have insisted that the prosecution of Mr. Bo is rooted in personal vendettas. The “Red Hometown” Web site signified the party’s announcement of his trial date on Sunday with a headline beginning, “Tragedy!” Leftist commentators have continued to depict the case as a plot. Last year, leftists circulated an extraordinary petition online calling for the impeachment of Wen Jiabao, a political enemy of Mr. Bo who was then the prime minister; it got more than 1,600 signatures.
Recently, a group of Maoists revived the campaign, and a version of the updated petition supposedly had 3,000 signatures.	Recently, a group of Maoists revived the campaign, and a version of the updated petition supposedly had 3,000 signatures.
China’s far left is small, but is a vocal part of the political agitation allowed under party controls. For the party, loyalists who embrace Marx and Mao as patron saints are useful watchdogs to be unleashed against liberal voices.	China’s far left is small, but is a vocal part of the political agitation allowed under party controls. For the party, loyalists who embrace Marx and Mao as patron saints are useful watchdogs to be unleashed against liberal voices.
But as the party pursued policies that created huge gaps in wealth and a vastly moneyed elite, many leftists found in Mr. Bo — with his expensive suits, foreign business friends and a son educated at elite schools in Britain and the United States — an unlikely beacon. The son of one of the revered “Eight Immortals” who helped lead the party in the Mao and Deng Xiaoping eras, he pursued a place on the elite Politburo Standing Committee by turning Chongqing into a showcase for policies aimed at securing both market prosperity and socialist equality.	But as the party pursued policies that created huge gaps in wealth and a vastly moneyed elite, many leftists found in Mr. Bo — with his expensive suits, foreign business friends and a son educated at elite schools in Britain and the United States — an unlikely beacon. The son of one of the revered “Eight Immortals” who helped lead the party in the Mao and Deng Xiaoping eras, he pursued a place on the elite Politburo Standing Committee by turning Chongqing into a showcase for policies aimed at securing both market prosperity and socialist equality.
Many on China’s far left embraced him as a potential ally; he in turn burnished his new image by luring leftist journalists, writers and intellectuals to his fief to extol the “Chongqing model” and sing red with him. (They ignored that staunch defenders of the capitalist way were also among the pilgrims — Henry Kissinger gave a speech in praise of Mr. Bo at one gala.)	Many on China’s far left embraced him as a potential ally; he in turn burnished his new image by luring leftist journalists, writers and intellectuals to his fief to extol the “Chongqing model” and sing red with him. (They ignored that staunch defenders of the capitalist way were also among the pilgrims — Henry Kissinger gave a speech in praise of Mr. Bo at one gala.)
“Bo Xilai’s Chongqing model showed that the current system can be used to restore relations between the party and the people,” said Zhang Hongliang, a teacher in Beijing who is an intellectual leader of the hard-line left. “The people in Chongqing used to say, ‘The Communist Party has come back.’ ”	“Bo Xilai’s Chongqing model showed that the current system can be used to restore relations between the party and the people,” said Zhang Hongliang, a teacher in Beijing who is an intellectual leader of the hard-line left. “The people in Chongqing used to say, ‘The Communist Party has come back.’ ”
Mr. Zhang said that after Mr. Bo’s fall, some leftists turned against party leaders. “In particular, many people who originally supported Xi Jinping began to complain about him,” he said.	Mr. Zhang said that after Mr. Bo’s fall, some leftists turned against party leaders. “In particular, many people who originally supported Xi Jinping began to complain about him,” he said.
“Because of the Bo Xilai incident, the whole left wing is a mess,” he added, referring to “a massive split” between those condemning the party and others who, like himself, still seek to influence it from within.	“Because of the Bo Xilai incident, the whole left wing is a mess,” he added, referring to “a massive split” between those condemning the party and others who, like himself, still seek to influence it from within.
One of those who hardened against party leaders is Han Deqiang, another founder of Utopia and an associate professor at the Beijing University of Aeronautics and Astronautics.	One of those who hardened against party leaders is Han Deqiang, another founder of Utopia and an associate professor at the Beijing University of Aeronautics and Astronautics.
“This is an unjust case with charges trumped up out of nothing or exaggerated accusations grafted on from elsewhere,” he said.	“This is an unjust case with charges trumped up out of nothing or exaggerated accusations grafted on from elsewhere,” he said.
Like others, he said he had noticed Mr. Xi and fellow party leaders donning Mr. Bo’s neo-Maoist mantle after taking power in November. “China is walking on the path of Bo Xilai without Bo Xilai himself,” Mr. Han said. “What it proclaims in public banners is still the same as what Bo Xilai did in Chongqing. But the problem is, a Bo Xilai road without Bo Xilai lacks substance. It’s flimsy and fake.”	Like others, he said he had noticed Mr. Xi and fellow party leaders donning Mr. Bo’s neo-Maoist mantle after taking power in November. “China is walking on the path of Bo Xilai without Bo Xilai himself,” Mr. Han said. “What it proclaims in public banners is still the same as what Bo Xilai did in Chongqing. But the problem is, a Bo Xilai road without Bo Xilai lacks substance. It’s flimsy and fake.”
This week, Mr. Xi gave a speech in which he stressed the continued importance of Marxism. But he also appeared to try to reinforce conformity.	This week, Mr. Xi gave a speech in which he stressed the continued importance of Marxism. But he also appeared to try to reinforce conformity.
“It’s up to propaganda and ideological work to consolidate the guiding status of Marxism in the ideological sphere,” Mr. Xi told a conference of propaganda officials in Beijing, the Xinhua news agency reported Tuesday. “We must uphold, consolidate and strengthen mainstream thinking and opinion.”	“It’s up to propaganda and ideological work to consolidate the guiding status of Marxism in the ideological sphere,” Mr. Xi told a conference of propaganda officials in Beijing, the Xinhua news agency reported Tuesday. “We must uphold, consolidate and strengthen mainstream thinking and opinion.”
Li Weidong, a political analyst and magazine editor, noted that the party leadership would have a hard time convincing leftist critics like Mr. Han that the trial was anything other than the climax of a political struggle. “They need Bo to directly admit guilt and apologize in his own voice on television,” Mr. Li said. “Otherwise, it’s even easier for the left to say it’s all just a fraud.”	Li Weidong, a political analyst and magazine editor, noted that the party leadership would have a hard time convincing leftist critics like Mr. Han that the trial was anything other than the climax of a political struggle. “They need Bo to directly admit guilt and apologize in his own voice on television,” Mr. Li said. “Otherwise, it’s even easier for the left to say it’s all just a fraud.”
Edward Wong reported from Beijing, and Chris Buckley from Hong Kong. Jonathan Ansfield contributed reporting from Beijing, and Patrick Zuo contributed research from Beijing.	Edward Wong reported from Beijing, and Chris Buckley from Hong Kong. Jonathan Ansfield contributed reporting from Beijing, and Patrick Zuo contributed research from Beijing.