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Labour's links with the unions are its greatest asset Labour's links with the unions are its greatest asset
(7 days later)
You'd hardly know from the way it's reported, but the Trades Union Congress this week is by far the most representative of the political conferences taking place this month. The press has been full of its standard Alice in Wonderland routine of union "barons" and "bosses" and their "crippling" and "sinister" threats. But more than any of the main parties' stage-managed jamborees, the union conference actually looks and sounds like Britain.You'd hardly know from the way it's reported, but the Trades Union Congress this week is by far the most representative of the political conferences taking place this month. The press has been full of its standard Alice in Wonderland routine of union "barons" and "bosses" and their "crippling" and "sinister" threats. But more than any of the main parties' stage-managed jamborees, the union conference actually looks and sounds like Britain.
In a country where 60% of the population regard themselves as working class, the unions give a voice to the majority largely missing from the political mainstream. And the things they're talking about are the things that matter for most of Britain: falling living standards in a country where George Osborne claims to have won the economic argument; the explosion of payday loans and rampant job insecurity; the desperate shortage of affordable housing and scandal of privatised social care.In a country where 60% of the population regard themselves as working class, the unions give a voice to the majority largely missing from the political mainstream. And the things they're talking about are the things that matter for most of Britain: falling living standards in a country where George Osborne claims to have won the economic argument; the explosion of payday loans and rampant job insecurity; the desperate shortage of affordable housing and scandal of privatised social care.
Instead of the professional mannequins who will dominate the party conferences, it's the people at the sharp end who've been having their say: construction workers who have just won a battle against union blacklisting on the Crossrail project; outsourced council care workers on zero-hours contracts penalised if they spend more than 15 minutes with each client; North Sea oil workers who opt for Norwegian rigs to avoid the low-paid, deregulated British sector.Instead of the professional mannequins who will dominate the party conferences, it's the people at the sharp end who've been having their say: construction workers who have just won a battle against union blacklisting on the Crossrail project; outsourced council care workers on zero-hours contracts penalised if they spend more than 15 minutes with each client; North Sea oil workers who opt for Norwegian rigs to avoid the low-paid, deregulated British sector.
And the policies backed by the TUC this week – from public ownership of rail and progressive taxation to a crash housebuilding programme and strong rights at work – both reflect public opinion and fill a gap in the opposition left by Labour's timidity.And the policies backed by the TUC this week – from public ownership of rail and progressive taxation to a crash housebuilding programme and strong rights at work – both reflect public opinion and fill a gap in the opposition left by Labour's timidity.
So when Ed Miliband yesterday defended six million trade unionists from David Cameron's slur that they are a "threat to our economy" and promised legislation to crack down on zero-hours contracts, he was connecting with mainstream Britain. But that was inevitably drowned out by the backwash of a week's fevered controversy about Labour's links with the unions.So when Ed Miliband yesterday defended six million trade unionists from David Cameron's slur that they are a "threat to our economy" and promised legislation to crack down on zero-hours contracts, he was connecting with mainstream Britain. But that was inevitably drowned out by the backwash of a week's fevered controversy about Labour's links with the unions.
It was clear from the moment of Miliband's leadership election victory courtesy of tens of thousands of trade unionists' votes in 2010 that the union card would be played mercilessly against him – as a leader in the pocket of union "paymasters" – by the Conservatives and their media friends.It was clear from the moment of Miliband's leadership election victory courtesy of tens of thousands of trade unionists' votes in 2010 that the union card would be played mercilessly against him – as a leader in the pocket of union "paymasters" – by the Conservatives and their media friends.
Never mind that real union influence on Labour policy remains marginal (how else can you explain the party's barely hedged commitment to Osborne's 2015-16 spending limits and 1% public sector pay cap?), or that union cash is far and away the cleanest and most accountable in British politics.Never mind that real union influence on Labour policy remains marginal (how else can you explain the party's barely hedged commitment to Osborne's 2015-16 spending limits and 1% public sector pay cap?), or that union cash is far and away the cleanest and most accountable in British politics.
The pressure on Miliband to pick a fight with the unions, including from Labour's Blairite rump, was unrelenting. So when a local row erupted about supposed union vote-rigging in the parliamentary selection in Falkirk, the Labour leader obliged. What had taken place was "hateful", he declared. Unite officials were duly suspended, the police called in and Miliband announced plans for trade unionists to sign up individually rather than as part of a collective affiliation with the party.The pressure on Miliband to pick a fight with the unions, including from Labour's Blairite rump, was unrelenting. So when a local row erupted about supposed union vote-rigging in the parliamentary selection in Falkirk, the Labour leader obliged. What had taken place was "hateful", he declared. Unite officials were duly suspended, the police called in and Miliband announced plans for trade unionists to sign up individually rather than as part of a collective affiliation with the party.
But Falkirk was not what it seemed. The police dropped the case. Labour's internal report was flimsy, and didn't bear a moment's legal scrutiny. So last week the party was forced to exonerate Unite and reinstate its officials. But Miliband has stuck to his scheme – and with it the prospect of losing 90% of the party's affiliation income, as few union levy-payers have shown much enthusiasm for joining Labour as individuals.But Falkirk was not what it seemed. The police dropped the case. Labour's internal report was flimsy, and didn't bear a moment's legal scrutiny. So last week the party was forced to exonerate Unite and reinstate its officials. But Miliband has stuck to his scheme – and with it the prospect of losing 90% of the party's affiliation income, as few union levy-payers have shown much enthusiasm for joining Labour as individuals.
To emphasise the point, the GMB general union announced it would be cutting its annual fees by over £1m. The dire financial implications for Labour – without any deal on spending caps with the Conservatives – are clear enough. The expectation is that Miliband is hoping to bring in state funding after the election to compensate, with all that would mean in terms of entrenching existing political structures.To emphasise the point, the GMB general union announced it would be cutting its annual fees by over £1m. The dire financial implications for Labour – without any deal on spending caps with the Conservatives – are clear enough. The expectation is that Miliband is hoping to bring in state funding after the election to compensate, with all that would mean in terms of entrenching existing political structures.
But it's very far from being all about money. The union-Labour relationship is first and foremost a collective political one – and collectivism is in trade unionism's DNA. Getting more of the three million shop workers, nurses, lorry drivers and others who pay the political levy involved would be a boon for Labour, but if it were in place of the collective relationship, that link would quickly unravel.But it's very far from being all about money. The union-Labour relationship is first and foremost a collective political one – and collectivism is in trade unionism's DNA. Getting more of the three million shop workers, nurses, lorry drivers and others who pay the political levy involved would be a boon for Labour, but if it were in place of the collective relationship, that link would quickly unravel.
Which is of course exactly what the Tories and their media allies want – Murdoch's Times yesterday demanded Miliband end the union "grip" on all levels of the party. Whatever the Labour leader does to "reform" the link, it will never satisfy his tormentors. The only way to face them down is to champion the relationship with the largest democratic organisations in the country and turn his fire on the Tories' corporate and City backers, who are of course under no obligation to opt in or out of anything.Which is of course exactly what the Tories and their media allies want – Murdoch's Times yesterday demanded Miliband end the union "grip" on all levels of the party. Whatever the Labour leader does to "reform" the link, it will never satisfy his tormentors. The only way to face them down is to champion the relationship with the largest democratic organisations in the country and turn his fire on the Tories' corporate and City backers, who are of course under no obligation to opt in or out of anything.
Miliband's self-inflicted wound now threatens to dominate Labour politics until the special conference he's called next spring. That would be a calamitous own goal in the runup to an election. There are multiple compromises that could be reached which would combine greater individual rights for affiliated union members while maintaining the unions' collective role (two of the largest unions, Unison and the GMB, both already have a Labour opt-in element for their members). There's no reason why a basic agreement couldn't be reached in the next few weeks. The alternative could be eventual rupture.Miliband's self-inflicted wound now threatens to dominate Labour politics until the special conference he's called next spring. That would be a calamitous own goal in the runup to an election. There are multiple compromises that could be reached which would combine greater individual rights for affiliated union members while maintaining the unions' collective role (two of the largest unions, Unison and the GMB, both already have a Labour opt-in element for their members). There's no reason why a basic agreement couldn't be reached in the next few weeks. The alternative could be eventual rupture.
It would certainly help in the meantime if Labour's leaders were to embrace some of the policies proposed by the new TUC general secretary Frances O'Grady on Monday: full employment and a cast-iron jobs guarantee for the young, for instance, a million new council and affordable homes, fair pay agreements negotiated by new wages councils, an end to health, social care and education privatisation, and national childcare and employment rights.It would certainly help in the meantime if Labour's leaders were to embrace some of the policies proposed by the new TUC general secretary Frances O'Grady on Monday: full employment and a cast-iron jobs guarantee for the young, for instance, a million new council and affordable homes, fair pay agreements negotiated by new wages councils, an end to health, social care and education privatisation, and national childcare and employment rights.
Last month Miliband again showed that he is prepared to take decisions which challenge genuinely powerful and vested interests when he played a key role in the defeat of David Cameron over the prime minister's rush to war against Syria. But as the hostility in Bournemouth today to what O'Grady called "a vanilla version of austerity" demonstrated, he's yet to convince Labour's prepared for the scale of change that the new economic model he's called for demands. He could start to do that at Labour's own conference in Brighton later this month. As he said himself yesterday, the stakes could not be higher.Last month Miliband again showed that he is prepared to take decisions which challenge genuinely powerful and vested interests when he played a key role in the defeat of David Cameron over the prime minister's rush to war against Syria. But as the hostility in Bournemouth today to what O'Grady called "a vanilla version of austerity" demonstrated, he's yet to convince Labour's prepared for the scale of change that the new economic model he's called for demands. He could start to do that at Labour's own conference in Brighton later this month. As he said himself yesterday, the stakes could not be higher.
Twitter: @SeumasMilneTwitter: @SeumasMilne
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