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Trade unions and Labour: heads and hearts Trade unions and Labour: heads and hearts
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It's easy to see why Ed Miliband needs to redraw Labour's relations with the trade unions. It is much harder to understand why the unions are so anxious not to let go. There is, of course, an understandable attachment to their long shared history; but there was only ever one experience of a Labour government delivering a trade union agenda, and few in the modern unions yearn for the days when Michael Foot and Jack Jones jointly ran incomes policy. The unions have saved the bacon of many a Labour leader, and even now the party tends to ride in their slipstream on issues like zero-hours contracts. Mr Miliband knows that the unions, which are often in much closer contact with their members' lives, can take at least as much credit as his party can for the shift in public opinion on benefits and low wages reflected in the latest social attitudes survey.It's easy to see why Ed Miliband needs to redraw Labour's relations with the trade unions. It is much harder to understand why the unions are so anxious not to let go. There is, of course, an understandable attachment to their long shared history; but there was only ever one experience of a Labour government delivering a trade union agenda, and few in the modern unions yearn for the days when Michael Foot and Jack Jones jointly ran incomes policy. The unions have saved the bacon of many a Labour leader, and even now the party tends to ride in their slipstream on issues like zero-hours contracts. Mr Miliband knows that the unions, which are often in much closer contact with their members' lives, can take at least as much credit as his party can for the shift in public opinion on benefits and low wages reflected in the latest social attitudes survey.
Nor do trade unionists overwhelmingly identify with Labour. Only 15 of the 54 unions affiliated to the TUC also affiliate to the party. Moreover, as new YouGov polling shows, not much more than half their membership would vote Labour; 46% would vote for another party. Include the don't-knows and Labour support slips below the halfway mark. Even the trade unions' money, although it plays a vital role in debt servicing, is not the biggest part of the party's normal annual spending.Nor do trade unionists overwhelmingly identify with Labour. Only 15 of the 54 unions affiliated to the TUC also affiliate to the party. Moreover, as new YouGov polling shows, not much more than half their membership would vote Labour; 46% would vote for another party. Include the don't-knows and Labour support slips below the halfway mark. Even the trade unions' money, although it plays a vital role in debt servicing, is not the biggest part of the party's normal annual spending.
Mr Miliband recognised some of that reality in his low-key fence-mending speech in Bournemouth on Tuesday, when – far from renewing fisticuffs – he positioned the party squarely alongside the union movement. Having sued for separation in the wake of what are now unproven allegations of vote-rigging in the Falkirk candidate selection, he is wisely shunning the top-whack divorce lawyer in favour of mediation, concentrating on standard-of-living issues, where there is obvious common ground, and treating the development of a new relationship as a settled project.Mr Miliband recognised some of that reality in his low-key fence-mending speech in Bournemouth on Tuesday, when – far from renewing fisticuffs – he positioned the party squarely alongside the union movement. Having sued for separation in the wake of what are now unproven allegations of vote-rigging in the Falkirk candidate selection, he is wisely shunning the top-whack divorce lawyer in favour of mediation, concentrating on standard-of-living issues, where there is obvious common ground, and treating the development of a new relationship as a settled project.
The outstanding issue – which may make or break the negotiations – is the nature of Labour's relationship with the members who opt in through their union. Labour would like a direct and individual link; the unions want to manage it. Arcane as this may seem, it will decide whether a vestige of collectivism survives at the heart of the party. It is hard to see how the block vote or the electoral college make sense in the new arrangements. But the unions are understandably reluctant to be nothing more than recruiting agents for a party that, even when it wants to, cannot reliably deliver on policies the unions want.The outstanding issue – which may make or break the negotiations – is the nature of Labour's relationship with the members who opt in through their union. Labour would like a direct and individual link; the unions want to manage it. Arcane as this may seem, it will decide whether a vestige of collectivism survives at the heart of the party. It is hard to see how the block vote or the electoral college make sense in the new arrangements. But the unions are understandably reluctant to be nothing more than recruiting agents for a party that, even when it wants to, cannot reliably deliver on policies the unions want.
It takes a hard heart to move on from 100 and more years of history. But the interests of the unions are not always the same as those of the party. Mutually respectful agreement to reform is a hard-headed option. It is in Labour's interest. And in the unions' interest too.It takes a hard heart to move on from 100 and more years of history. But the interests of the unions are not always the same as those of the party. Mutually respectful agreement to reform is a hard-headed option. It is in Labour's interest. And in the unions' interest too.
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