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Bushfires and the burning desire to cut public services Bushfires and the burning desire to cut public services
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This is a story about fire and politics.This is a story about fire and politics.
On 29 September, 2010 in South Fulton, Tennessee, a member of Gene Cranick's family was burning some garden waste in a backyard fire when dry wind caused embers to carry. The Cranick property caught fire. Conditions were arid in the rural, corn-growing community, and attempts to extinguish the flames with garden hoses did not work. Gene Cranick called emergency services but they did not respond to his call.On 29 September, 2010 in South Fulton, Tennessee, a member of Gene Cranick's family was burning some garden waste in a backyard fire when dry wind caused embers to carry. The Cranick property caught fire. Conditions were arid in the rural, corn-growing community, and attempts to extinguish the flames with garden hoses did not work. Gene Cranick called emergency services but they did not respond to his call.
In the meantime, the fire spread to the Cranick house. The family ran from their burning home. While Cranick made 20 increasingly hysterical phone calls for the fire service, none of which brought a response, everything the Cranick family owned – every plate and sock, toy and family photo, furniture, piece of jewellery and sentimental souvenir – was incinerated. A pet cat and three dogs were trapped in the burning house and died. In the meantime, the fire spread to the Cranick house. The family ran from their burning home. While Cranick made 20 increasingly hysterical phone calls for the fire service, none of which brought a response, everything the Cranick family owned – every plate and sock, toy and family photo, furniture, piece of jewellery and sentimental souvenir – was incinerated. A pet cat and three dogs were trapped in the burning house and died. 
Gene Cranick was standing outside the flaming wreckage of everything he had ever owned when firetrucks did, finally, turn up – but they were not there to help him. They had arrived to douse the flames that had caught from the Cranick's house and set fire to his neighbour's cornfield. While the Cranicks begged them for help, silent firefighters soaked the neighbour's property but did not allow a drop to to touch anything in Cranick's name, even as his family home was razed to the ground.Gene Cranick was standing outside the flaming wreckage of everything he had ever owned when firetrucks did, finally, turn up – but they were not there to help him. They had arrived to douse the flames that had caught from the Cranick's house and set fire to his neighbour's cornfield. While the Cranicks begged them for help, silent firefighters soaked the neighbour's property but did not allow a drop to to touch anything in Cranick's name, even as his family home was razed to the ground.
Cranick's misfortune was to live in an area where a hard-right, Republican, anti-tax mayor had pursued the logic of a user-pays ideology to the institution of a flat, non-asset-differentiated $75 household charge for "fire protection" in addition to existing city taxes. Cranick was a taxpayer, but hadn't paid the fee. Despite offering to pay the $75 and then some, local authorities decided to make an example of Cranick by ordering firefighters to ignore his burning building.Cranick's misfortune was to live in an area where a hard-right, Republican, anti-tax mayor had pursued the logic of a user-pays ideology to the institution of a flat, non-asset-differentiated $75 household charge for "fire protection" in addition to existing city taxes. Cranick was a taxpayer, but hadn't paid the fee. Despite offering to pay the $75 and then some, local authorities decided to make an example of Cranick by ordering firefighters to ignore his burning building.
That another, fee-paying neighbour had to suffer a burning cornfield was an unimportant consideration compared to the act of political extortion that Cranick's local user-pays political ideologues were willing to enforce. He was not the sole victim of their zealotry: interviewed in front of the burned out remains of his home, Cranick explained there had been a similar local incident where firefighters were prevented from saving a burning barn in which an entire family of horses were burned to death.That another, fee-paying neighbour had to suffer a burning cornfield was an unimportant consideration compared to the act of political extortion that Cranick's local user-pays political ideologues were willing to enforce. He was not the sole victim of their zealotry: interviewed in front of the burned out remains of his home, Cranick explained there had been a similar local incident where firefighters were prevented from saving a burning barn in which an entire family of horses were burned to death.
Fires are organic entities, created or enlarged by accident and coincidence. They are unfolding disasters to be physically fought, not human agencies to be socially negotiated. Fire services, on the other hands, are civic things – infrastructure of the state first recognised as an essential as early as 24 BC, when the emperor Augustus founded the seven Roman fire stations.Fires are organic entities, created or enlarged by accident and coincidence. They are unfolding disasters to be physically fought, not human agencies to be socially negotiated. Fire services, on the other hands, are civic things – infrastructure of the state first recognised as an essential as early as 24 BC, when the emperor Augustus founded the seven Roman fire stations.
In the wake of the Great Fire of London in 1666, a need for fire protection became rudely apparent to the British, whose newly-minted insurance companies formed their own brigades to fight their clients' fires. Famously, their refusal to come to the aid of anyone who wasn't a direct policy holder inspired their forced amalgamation by city authorities: James Braidwood, an ancestor of modern fire-fighting, was chief of the first entirely municipal fire service founded in Edinburgh in 1824 and was imported in London to oversee their transition to public fire service in 1833.In the wake of the Great Fire of London in 1666, a need for fire protection became rudely apparent to the British, whose newly-minted insurance companies formed their own brigades to fight their clients' fires. Famously, their refusal to come to the aid of anyone who wasn't a direct policy holder inspired their forced amalgamation by city authorities: James Braidwood, an ancestor of modern fire-fighting, was chief of the first entirely municipal fire service founded in Edinburgh in 1824 and was imported in London to oversee their transition to public fire service in 1833.
The responsibility of the state to provide fire protection was a considered policy response to the somewhat obvious fact that the longer it takes for a fire to be brought under control, the more damage it will wreak. Fires do not recognise property deeds, taxation boundaries or insurance policies in the way those who believe in the "invisible hands" of market forces and other ideologically convenient magic pixies may prefer.The responsibility of the state to provide fire protection was a considered policy response to the somewhat obvious fact that the longer it takes for a fire to be brought under control, the more damage it will wreak. Fires do not recognise property deeds, taxation boundaries or insurance policies in the way those who believe in the "invisible hands" of market forces and other ideologically convenient magic pixies may prefer.
Those insisting that discussion of the present catastrophe engulfing New South Wales not "be politicised" are endangering our communities by silencing criticism of the creep towards user-pays that the free-marketeers of Liberal Party are enforcing on Australians at a state and federal level.Those insisting that discussion of the present catastrophe engulfing New South Wales not "be politicised" are endangering our communities by silencing criticism of the creep towards user-pays that the free-marketeers of Liberal Party are enforcing on Australians at a state and federal level.
Both the Liberals and Labor are guilty of resisting taxation models that attract revenue on a capacity to pay in order to provide services that protect and enfranchise all citizens. Where the Liberals shift the services debate is around imaginary "budget crises" that necessitate "savings", causing services to be run down to the point that "fire protection" and other economically unequal mechanisms are shoved at the electorate if they wish to enjoy infrastructure at all.Both the Liberals and Labor are guilty of resisting taxation models that attract revenue on a capacity to pay in order to provide services that protect and enfranchise all citizens. Where the Liberals shift the services debate is around imaginary "budget crises" that necessitate "savings", causing services to be run down to the point that "fire protection" and other economically unequal mechanisms are shoved at the electorate if they wish to enjoy infrastructure at all.
Note that Barry O'Farrell's Liberal government cut $20m from the regional fire services now trying to battle the the New South Wales blaze. Note also that Joe Hockey is mentioned in the Australian today, appointing no less than the head of the Business Council of Australia to oversee an audit for federal government spending "savings". The Australian says: "the terms of reference explicitly support the idea of "user-charging" and "co-payments" for government programs." The government couldn't be more blatant in their advocacy of the ideology that cost Gene Cranick his home with the suggestion that Australians themselves may, as a result of the audit, be asked to pay more for government services: "the terms of reference explicitly support the idea of "user-charging" and "co-payments" for government programs." Note that Barry O'Farrell's Liberal government cut $20m from the regional fire services now trying to battle the the New South Wales blaze. Note also that Joe Hockey is mentioned in the Australian today, appointing no less than the head of the Business Council of Australia to oversee an audit for federal government spending "savings". The Australian says: "the terms of reference explicitly support the idea of "user-charging" and "co-payments" for government programs." The government couldn't be more blatant in their advocacy of the ideology that cost Gene Cranick his home with the suggestion that Australians themselves may, as a result of the audit, be asked to pay more for government services.
 We have public fire services, just as we have public health and welfare agencies and education systems and infrastructure – because the older and often original models of these institutions, which was private and user-pays, did not work. It does not work. It is not going to work. Just ask Gene Cranick. We have public fire services, just as we have public health and welfare agencies and education systems and infrastructure – because the older and often original models of these institutions, which was private and user-pays, did not work. It does not work. It is not going to work. Just ask Gene Cranick.
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