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| Iran's state TV tries 'soft power' to win hearts and minds | Iran's state TV tries 'soft power' to win hearts and minds |
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| People want good television. In the spring of 2010, a specially convened committee of Iranian MPs, clerics and media experts reached this conclusion after investigating the "covert aims" of Persian-language satellite programs beamed into the country from abroad. Noting the voraciousness with which local viewers consumed these "culturally subversive" shows, the experts turned their attention to the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB). | People want good television. In the spring of 2010, a specially convened committee of Iranian MPs, clerics and media experts reached this conclusion after investigating the "covert aims" of Persian-language satellite programs beamed into the country from abroad. Noting the voraciousness with which local viewers consumed these "culturally subversive" shows, the experts turned their attention to the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB). |
| They realised that the gargantuan media organisation, charged with transmitting the values of the Islamic Republic to audiences both at home and overseas, was producing such drab content that Iranians had "no choice but to watch satellite." They also worried that, unless IRIB found a way to reel in viewers, the spreading use of new satellite hardware would render the police practice of seizing dishes from apartment building rooftops - long the preferred policy for dealing with the illegal broadcasts that challenge IRIB's domestic monopoly - increasingly ineffective. | They realised that the gargantuan media organisation, charged with transmitting the values of the Islamic Republic to audiences both at home and overseas, was producing such drab content that Iranians had "no choice but to watch satellite." They also worried that, unless IRIB found a way to reel in viewers, the spreading use of new satellite hardware would render the police practice of seizing dishes from apartment building rooftops - long the preferred policy for dealing with the illegal broadcasts that challenge IRIB's domestic monopoly - increasingly ineffective. |
| Three years later, it appears IRIB has been working hard to address these deficiencies. Despite the country's dire economic problems, the sprawling state-run organisation, known locally as "Seda va Sima" (Sound and Vision) has expended vast financial resources to booster TV technology, content quality and reach. While there's no evidence of an official strategical change, IRIB's notoriously stiff and propagandistic style of entertainment has grown noticeably softer. | Three years later, it appears IRIB has been working hard to address these deficiencies. Despite the country's dire economic problems, the sprawling state-run organisation, known locally as "Seda va Sima" (Sound and Vision) has expended vast financial resources to booster TV technology, content quality and reach. While there's no evidence of an official strategical change, IRIB's notoriously stiff and propagandistic style of entertainment has grown noticeably softer. |
| "Unable to completely block satellite signals from abroad, IRIB has no choice but to respond," says Mehdi Semati, a professor at Northern Illinois University's communications department. "Over the past few years, one notices more vibrant colours on television, more live and recorded permitted pop music, more females with makeup." | "Unable to completely block satellite signals from abroad, IRIB has no choice but to respond," says Mehdi Semati, a professor at Northern Illinois University's communications department. "Over the past few years, one notices more vibrant colours on television, more live and recorded permitted pop music, more females with makeup." |
| Since 2007, IRIB has gone from operating seven terrestrial television channels and three satellite TV channels to its current output of 12 national channels, 33 provincial channels, 2 Internet TV channels and 10 internationally broadcast channels including Press TV, Iran's English-language global news network. | Since 2007, IRIB has gone from operating seven terrestrial television channels and three satellite TV channels to its current output of 12 national channels, 33 provincial channels, 2 Internet TV channels and 10 internationally broadcast channels including Press TV, Iran's English-language global news network. |
| Inside Iran, the broadcaster has inundated the airwaves with a thematic spectrum of digital and HD channels. Since 2010, IRIB has launched eight such channels, including ones focused on teleshopping, health and animation - all despite a blockage of its international broadcasts on four continents and in the face of biting economic sanctions. | Inside Iran, the broadcaster has inundated the airwaves with a thematic spectrum of digital and HD channels. Since 2010, IRIB has launched eight such channels, including ones focused on teleshopping, health and animation - all despite a blockage of its international broadcasts on four continents and in the face of biting economic sanctions. |
| Though never straying from the ideological red line prescribed by the clerical ruling class, there is evidence that western and external Persian-language programming is influencing IRIB's "Islamic" aesthetic values and codes, Semati says. Many of the programs borrow elements from to western TV styles, while others engage with Persian-language satellite shows. | Though never straying from the ideological red line prescribed by the clerical ruling class, there is evidence that western and external Persian-language programming is influencing IRIB's "Islamic" aesthetic values and codes, Semati says. Many of the programs borrow elements from to western TV styles, while others engage with Persian-language satellite shows. |
| Pejman, a popular show on the Channel 3 Youth Network, is one example. Easily the hottest show currently on state TV, it stars well-known national football players and mixes real-life and fictional situations, thus borrowing from the reality-based programs that are all the rage in the West. Another series titled "Khand-e Bazaar" mercilessly mocks programs broadcast by Persian-language satellite providers, Semati says. | |
| In addition, the 24-hour films channel Namayesh regularly focuses on Persian-dubbed film series starring mainstream Hollywood actors like Denzel Washington, Will Smith, Nicole Kidman or Harrison Ford. While allusions to sex, drinking, drug use and other "immoral" activities are still deeply taboo, the use of editing software allows the censors to "cover up a plunging neckline without cutting the scene altogether like before," says Nasser, 29, a regular Namayesh watcher. | In addition, the 24-hour films channel Namayesh regularly focuses on Persian-dubbed film series starring mainstream Hollywood actors like Denzel Washington, Will Smith, Nicole Kidman or Harrison Ford. While allusions to sex, drinking, drug use and other "immoral" activities are still deeply taboo, the use of editing software allows the censors to "cover up a plunging neckline without cutting the scene altogether like before," says Nasser, 29, a regular Namayesh watcher. |
| Aside from this refined approach to the censorship of foreign films, IRIB has also shown greater tolerance to socially and politically controversial domestic topics. Even in the stifled atmosphere preceding this year's presidential election, "Khate Ghermez" (Red Line), a sports-themes talk show on Channel 2, was known as a lone outlet for callers venting their thinly veiled anger with issues that resonated far beyond the domain of football. Since the June election, itself a display of uncharacteristically open political discourse, TV discussions have criticised former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as well as other public figures. | Aside from this refined approach to the censorship of foreign films, IRIB has also shown greater tolerance to socially and politically controversial domestic topics. Even in the stifled atmosphere preceding this year's presidential election, "Khate Ghermez" (Red Line), a sports-themes talk show on Channel 2, was known as a lone outlet for callers venting their thinly veiled anger with issues that resonated far beyond the domain of football. Since the June election, itself a display of uncharacteristically open political discourse, TV discussions have criticised former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad as well as other public figures. |
| Hassan, an independent filmmaker from Tehran, recalls a recent Khate Ghermez moment in which a former executive of the physical education organisation admitted to ordering a referee to end a potentially explosive match between Tehran's two home teams in a tie to prevent fan rioting. | Hassan, an independent filmmaker from Tehran, recalls a recent Khate Ghermez moment in which a former executive of the physical education organisation admitted to ordering a referee to end a potentially explosive match between Tehran's two home teams in a tie to prevent fan rioting. |
| “That a government official would apply his opinion to prevent against any sort of unrest…so that the population is controlled...nothing was ever said about this issue," says Hassan. "Now, it’s being talked about.” | “That a government official would apply his opinion to prevent against any sort of unrest…so that the population is controlled...nothing was ever said about this issue," says Hassan. "Now, it’s being talked about.” |
| Yet another current talking point is Shock, a series broadcast by the documentary channel Mostanad. Taking the form of a western-style investigative news program, Shock delved into relevant social problems such as underground online betting and public transportation safety. In its debut, the show focused on a horrific September bus crash which claimed 44 lives on the highway between Tehran and the religious city of Qom. Posing tough questions to the police, the bus line operator as well as the manufacturer, the reporter ultimately held all three parties accountable for the carnage. | Yet another current talking point is Shock, a series broadcast by the documentary channel Mostanad. Taking the form of a western-style investigative news program, Shock delved into relevant social problems such as underground online betting and public transportation safety. In its debut, the show focused on a horrific September bus crash which claimed 44 lives on the highway between Tehran and the religious city of Qom. Posing tough questions to the police, the bus line operator as well as the manufacturer, the reporter ultimately held all three parties accountable for the carnage. |
| "I was so surprised, I picked up the phone and called my friend so to turn the TV on," says Nasser. "The conversations were so honest and thorough...It seemed more like something you'd see on the Discovery Channel than on Iranian TV." | "I was so surprised, I picked up the phone and called my friend so to turn the TV on," says Nasser. "The conversations were so honest and thorough...It seemed more like something you'd see on the Discovery Channel than on Iranian TV." |
| To be sure, the revised approach to social commentary has not been without controversy. On 4 November, Qom Seminary head Ayatollah Seyyed Hashem Hoseyini-Bushehri issued a sharp rebuke to IRIB for airing Shahgoosh, a comedy show that features an actor in the role of a cleric. | To be sure, the revised approach to social commentary has not been without controversy. On 4 November, Qom Seminary head Ayatollah Seyyed Hashem Hoseyini-Bushehri issued a sharp rebuke to IRIB for airing Shahgoosh, a comedy show that features an actor in the role of a cleric. |
| Speaking to the religion-focused news agency Rasa, Hoseyini-Bushehri claimed IRIB shows "demean the clerical attire." | Speaking to the religion-focused news agency Rasa, Hoseyini-Bushehri claimed IRIB shows "demean the clerical attire." |
| "Enough is enough," he warned. "If you do not help the clerics, stop playing with their reputation...If one day this seminary decides, you will be left with nothing." | "Enough is enough," he warned. "If you do not help the clerics, stop playing with their reputation...If one day this seminary decides, you will be left with nothing." |
| Meanwhile, hardline groups like the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and its ideological Basij militia haven't abandoned their tried and tested ways of controlling TV content. In Tehran as well as the provinces, the Basij regularly hold events at mosques and community centres at which citizens are invited to voluntarily hand in their illegal satellite dishes (they cost around $120) in exchange for set top boxes ($30) needed to watch locally produced digital content. In one particularly demonstrative event in September, the IRGC's Fajr Brigade in the Province of Fars used a tank to destroy some 800 collected satellite dishes to commemorate the anniversary of the Iran-Iraq war. | Meanwhile, hardline groups like the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and its ideological Basij militia haven't abandoned their tried and tested ways of controlling TV content. In Tehran as well as the provinces, the Basij regularly hold events at mosques and community centres at which citizens are invited to voluntarily hand in their illegal satellite dishes (they cost around $120) in exchange for set top boxes ($30) needed to watch locally produced digital content. In one particularly demonstrative event in September, the IRGC's Fajr Brigade in the Province of Fars used a tank to destroy some 800 collected satellite dishes to commemorate the anniversary of the Iran-Iraq war. |
| In spite of the apparent paranoia of these heavy handed tactics, available statistics indicate that IRIB's dominance of Iranian television remains unchallenged. While official ratings and penetration figures are considered classified information, some 86 percent of Iranians considered IRIB to be the most important source of information, a 2012 BBC/Gallup Research poll showed. Satellites, which appeared to be on the rise last year, were only in use by 26 percent of respondents - this in a country where nearly 100 percent of households have TV sets. | In spite of the apparent paranoia of these heavy handed tactics, available statistics indicate that IRIB's dominance of Iranian television remains unchallenged. While official ratings and penetration figures are considered classified information, some 86 percent of Iranians considered IRIB to be the most important source of information, a 2012 BBC/Gallup Research poll showed. Satellites, which appeared to be on the rise last year, were only in use by 26 percent of respondents - this in a country where nearly 100 percent of households have TV sets. |
| In his 15 own years of research, Semati has concluded that "IRIB’s programming is generally highly popular. IRIB produces programs that are the best examples of 'appointment television,' programs for which audiences set time aside to watch." | In his 15 own years of research, Semati has concluded that "IRIB’s programming is generally highly popular. IRIB produces programs that are the best examples of 'appointment television,' programs for which audiences set time aside to watch." |
| "This is not to suggest satellite television is not popular," he continues. Persian-language channels such as Manoto and BBC Persian are very popular, especially among younger audiences, and have "given IRIB a run for its money." Specific programs on these networks, such as Manoto's reality shows and documentaries, have proven very competitive, he adds. | "This is not to suggest satellite television is not popular," he continues. Persian-language channels such as Manoto and BBC Persian are very popular, especially among younger audiences, and have "given IRIB a run for its money." Specific programs on these networks, such as Manoto's reality shows and documentaries, have proven very competitive, he adds. |
| Public affairs and cultural programs on BBC Persian are also very popular. PMC, a Persian music channel, airs highly watched music videos, some of which feature musicians that live and work in Iran. | Public affairs and cultural programs on BBC Persian are also very popular. PMC, a Persian music channel, airs highly watched music videos, some of which feature musicians that live and work in Iran. |
| "Despite the limitations in terms of reach, these networks have been a source of anxieties for authorities in Iran, judging by their reactions and steps they have taken in curtailing access," Semati says. | "Despite the limitations in terms of reach, these networks have been a source of anxieties for authorities in Iran, judging by their reactions and steps they have taken in curtailing access," Semati says. |
| In part, the painstaking efforts to control satellite use may be explained by the ideology of the Islamic republic, which considers the fight against western cultural hegemony among its core revolutionary values. In the eyes of IRIB management, merely cultivating a comfortable majority of domestic viewers may thus fall short of the original goal of exporting the country's brand of Islamic and revisionist beliefs to other countries. | In part, the painstaking efforts to control satellite use may be explained by the ideology of the Islamic republic, which considers the fight against western cultural hegemony among its core revolutionary values. In the eyes of IRIB management, merely cultivating a comfortable majority of domestic viewers may thus fall short of the original goal of exporting the country's brand of Islamic and revisionist beliefs to other countries. |
| Although the new administration has promised a more lenient approach to satellites and censorship in general, state television - despite its topical makeover - is thus unlikely to shed its ideological colours any time soon. | Although the new administration has promised a more lenient approach to satellites and censorship in general, state television - despite its topical makeover - is thus unlikely to shed its ideological colours any time soon. |
| "They know that they can affect more people with a softer strategy, so they are adding more layers," says Ziba, 30, a musician. "Before, we were used to watching a woman in a chador giving advice to a religious family. Now, a TV presenter wears a red shirt, talks in modern slang, and thinks that makes him culturally cool. But he is still talking about the same topics and not addressing people's real problems. They show a happy family going shopping, but they don't show that the husband is sleeping with another woman. This is why people prefer to watch satellite soap operas - because they cross a red line that the Islamic republic can never afford to cross." | "They know that they can affect more people with a softer strategy, so they are adding more layers," says Ziba, 30, a musician. "Before, we were used to watching a woman in a chador giving advice to a religious family. Now, a TV presenter wears a red shirt, talks in modern slang, and thinks that makes him culturally cool. But he is still talking about the same topics and not addressing people's real problems. They show a happy family going shopping, but they don't show that the husband is sleeping with another woman. This is why people prefer to watch satellite soap operas - because they cross a red line that the Islamic republic can never afford to cross." |
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