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| Abortion in Tasmania is decriminalised, but it wasn't an easy battle | Abortion in Tasmania is decriminalised, but it wasn't an easy battle |
| (about 3 hours later) | |
| In the last days of her prime ministership this June, Julia Gillard attempted to warn of "abortion [becoming] the political plaything of men who think they know better” and was smacked down hard, first by the media and then her own party, for "cynically" raising the issue. | |
| That same month in Tasmania, Labor health minister Michelle O'Byrne and pro-choicers were facing fierce opposition as they spearheaded a bill decriminalising abortion. The bill, which had passed through the lower house in April, was now debated by the largely conservative upper house. It finally passed this week. | That same month in Tasmania, Labor health minister Michelle O'Byrne and pro-choicers were facing fierce opposition as they spearheaded a bill decriminalising abortion. The bill, which had passed through the lower house in April, was now debated by the largely conservative upper house. It finally passed this week. |
| The bill's aim was to diminish the stigma associated with the procedure, and to improve access to it in a state that has some of the highest rates of illiteracy and poverty in Australia. A loose collation of lawyers, health professionals and politicians banded together: their challenge was to convince members of the legislative council that the bill was a proposal which was both moderate and overdue. Happily, after numerous committee hearings and two late nights of debate, these efforts were successful. Proponents of the bill are justifiably proud of what's been achieved. They've worked long and hard towards what may seem a modest outcome but places Tasmania in the vanguard of social change. | The bill's aim was to diminish the stigma associated with the procedure, and to improve access to it in a state that has some of the highest rates of illiteracy and poverty in Australia. A loose collation of lawyers, health professionals and politicians banded together: their challenge was to convince members of the legislative council that the bill was a proposal which was both moderate and overdue. Happily, after numerous committee hearings and two late nights of debate, these efforts were successful. Proponents of the bill are justifiably proud of what's been achieved. They've worked long and hard towards what may seem a modest outcome but places Tasmania in the vanguard of social change. |
| But it wasn't easy. It wasn't a foregone conclusion by any means. | But it wasn't easy. It wasn't a foregone conclusion by any means. |
| The discussion in Tasmania's largely conservative upper house was not only about how and under what conditions abortion should be decriminalised. It equally covered whether abortion itself is conscionable, whether women are likely to use it in a careless or "immoral" fashion, and whether or not life begins at conception. For many, this was cause for alarm. | The discussion in Tasmania's largely conservative upper house was not only about how and under what conditions abortion should be decriminalised. It equally covered whether abortion itself is conscionable, whether women are likely to use it in a careless or "immoral" fashion, and whether or not life begins at conception. For many, this was cause for alarm. |
| A few choice quotes from Tasmania's legislative council committee hearings early in the year and subsequent debate over the last few days is revelatory. "I think if you can get pregnant, you can google abortion and find a clinic", said MLC Rosemary Armitage, in support of her argument that doctors should not be obliged to refer to an abortion provider if they have a conscientious objection. And make what you will of this exchange: | A few choice quotes from Tasmania's legislative council committee hearings early in the year and subsequent debate over the last few days is revelatory. "I think if you can get pregnant, you can google abortion and find a clinic", said MLC Rosemary Armitage, in support of her argument that doctors should not be obliged to refer to an abortion provider if they have a conscientious objection. And make what you will of this exchange: |
| Leonie Hiscutt (MLC): If a late-term expulsion of a baby – not an abortion because abortion means death – can she get rid of that baby at an earlier stage and the baby be taken away live? I mean, either way the mother is negated of the responsibility of the child. I'm just trying to see how – as rare a case as it may be, if you have a healthy child that is not wanted anymore, we can preserve that child either by caesarean section or induced labour and then take it away for adoption? | Leonie Hiscutt (MLC): If a late-term expulsion of a baby – not an abortion because abortion means death – can she get rid of that baby at an earlier stage and the baby be taken away live? I mean, either way the mother is negated of the responsibility of the child. I'm just trying to see how – as rare a case as it may be, if you have a healthy child that is not wanted anymore, we can preserve that child either by caesarean section or induced labour and then take it away for adoption? |
| Therese Hanning (UTAS law lecturer): I don't think I'm really grasping the question. | Therese Hanning (UTAS law lecturer): I don't think I'm really grasping the question. |
| I don't draw your attention to this to poke fun at Hiscutt, but to illustrate that for many Australians issues around "personhood" are very much still up for debate. | |
| The mainstreaming of feminism of the 1970s was a long time ago now. There was a powerful backlash against it in the 1980s (so vividly illuminated by Susan Faludi), and we're in the middle of another one right now, no matter how much we might like to believe otherwise. | The mainstreaming of feminism of the 1970s was a long time ago now. There was a powerful backlash against it in the 1980s (so vividly illuminated by Susan Faludi), and we're in the middle of another one right now, no matter how much we might like to believe otherwise. |
| One of its most troubling incarnations has to do with the style of politics that's increasingly being practised in this country. Anti-choice campaigners based in Queensland joined with Tasmanian groups in using US-style methods to get their views across in a range of subtle and not-so-subtle ways. | One of its most troubling incarnations has to do with the style of politics that's increasingly being practised in this country. Anti-choice campaigners based in Queensland joined with Tasmanian groups in using US-style methods to get their views across in a range of subtle and not-so-subtle ways. |
| One tactic was simply writing emails. Lots of them. Even up until 12.57am on Wednesday night (debate adjourned at 1am and the bill was finally passed in the upper house the next morning), MLCs were receiving frantic emails from concerned citizens. To members' credit, I believe emails from members of the public outside of Tasmania were ignored. But that didn't stop interest groups from far and wide having a chance to be involved. | One tactic was simply writing emails. Lots of them. Even up until 12.57am on Wednesday night (debate adjourned at 1am and the bill was finally passed in the upper house the next morning), MLCs were receiving frantic emails from concerned citizens. To members' credit, I believe emails from members of the public outside of Tasmania were ignored. But that didn't stop interest groups from far and wide having a chance to be involved. |
| Experts supporting both sides were flown in or gave evidence by phone hook-up, reasonably enough. But while the pro-choice side's experts were doctors, lawyers, and specialists with extensive background in the reproductive field, many of those on the other side lacked medical or legal credentials, representing religious interests instead. While it's fair enough for such groups to have their say, I echo the frustration of others in the pro-decriminalistion camp at the idea of "moral" opinion being placed on the same level as evidence-based opinion. Abortion is an emotive issue, there's no getting around that. But the law relies on facts and is designed to address the practicalities of life. All opinions are not equal in this. We're talking about legislation affecting health, equal opportunity and bodily autonomy. The government can't be swayed by ideology alone. | Experts supporting both sides were flown in or gave evidence by phone hook-up, reasonably enough. But while the pro-choice side's experts were doctors, lawyers, and specialists with extensive background in the reproductive field, many of those on the other side lacked medical or legal credentials, representing religious interests instead. While it's fair enough for such groups to have their say, I echo the frustration of others in the pro-decriminalistion camp at the idea of "moral" opinion being placed on the same level as evidence-based opinion. Abortion is an emotive issue, there's no getting around that. But the law relies on facts and is designed to address the practicalities of life. All opinions are not equal in this. We're talking about legislation affecting health, equal opportunity and bodily autonomy. The government can't be swayed by ideology alone. |
| Another tactic employed by anti-choicers was a tidal wave of propaganda. Billboards all over town (there was even one at the Launceston airport I'm told) espoused the sanctity of family and encouraged adoption not abortion. These creations, authored by the Queensland-based Emily's Voice, employed a tone of warmth and inclusiveness to get their point across. They didn't just come out and say "abortion is wrong". Instead, images of smiling happy families were used with slogans like "fall in love with the unborn". It's likely also that the constant TV advertising on the issue also had an effect – the one with a working class guy explaining how he didn't really want to have more kids but now he's absolutely thrilled to have a huge family was particularly galling. At the very least the ads were a constant reminder that, "No, sorry, Tasmanian women, it's not up to you." | |
| I'm reassured that, for the most part, our state's conservative politicians did not get caught up in the hysteria. I doubt that any Liberal or conservative independent politicians appreciated the more extreme tactics employed by anti-choice groups any more than their left-leaning colleagues did. Politicians received horrible photographs of babies in dumpsters, or tiny plastic foetuses wrapped in cotton wool. Not surprisingly, some parliamentary staff found this distressing. Indeed, this sort of thing is more than just in bad taste. It's vile and it's harassment. | I'm reassured that, for the most part, our state's conservative politicians did not get caught up in the hysteria. I doubt that any Liberal or conservative independent politicians appreciated the more extreme tactics employed by anti-choice groups any more than their left-leaning colleagues did. Politicians received horrible photographs of babies in dumpsters, or tiny plastic foetuses wrapped in cotton wool. Not surprisingly, some parliamentary staff found this distressing. Indeed, this sort of thing is more than just in bad taste. It's vile and it's harassment. |
| But it didn't work. This time. | But it didn't work. This time. |
| Mainlanders, my point is: beware. These groups are tireless and they're well resourced. And policy-makers sometimes take them seriously. | Mainlanders, my point is: beware. These groups are tireless and they're well resourced. And policy-makers sometimes take them seriously. |
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