This article is from the source 'nytimes' and was first published or seen on . It last changed over 40 days ago and won't be checked again for changes.

You can find the current article at its original source at http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/04/world/asia/uncle-of-north-korean-leader-stripped-of-power-according-to-reports.html

The article has changed 6 times. There is an RSS feed of changes available.

Version 0 Version 1
Uncle of North Korean Leader Stripped of Power, According to Reports Uncle of North Korean Leader Stripped of Power, According to Reports
(about 2 hours later)
SEOUL, South Korea — Jang Song-thaek, an uncle of the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and a man widely considered to be No. 2 in the Pyongyang government, has been dismissed from all posts of influence, the National Intelligence Service of South Korea told Parliament on Tuesday.SEOUL, South Korea — Jang Song-thaek, an uncle of the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and a man widely considered to be No. 2 in the Pyongyang government, has been dismissed from all posts of influence, the National Intelligence Service of South Korea told Parliament on Tuesday.
Mr. Jang’s downfall followed the executions of his two deputies at the administrative department of the ruling Workers’ Party of Korea on charges of “corruption and anti-party activities” last month, according to lawmakers who were briefed by intelligence officials in a hurriedly scheduled meeting at the National Assembly. Mr. Jang’s downfall follows the executions of his two deputies last month at the administrative department of the ruling Workers’ Party of Korea on charges of “corruption and anti-party activities,” according to lawmakers who were briefed by intelligence officials in a hurriedly scheduled meeting at the National Assembly. The South Korean intelligence agency did not reveal how it learned of the executions, the lawmakers said.
Mr. Jang, 67, has been a mentor to his nephew as well as a fixture in the North Korean power elite since the days of Mr. Kim’s father, Kim Jong-il, exercising his widespread influence from the party’s administrative department, which he headed. He is the husband of Kim Kyong-hee, the beloved sister of Kim Jong-il and an aunt of the current leader. North Korean news media have not reported on Mr. Jang’s fate or on the executions. In the past, North Korean officials reported by South Korean news media to have been purged have occasionally resurfaced. But Mr. Jang’s unusually long absence from the news in North Korea and the South Korean intelligence service’s special briefing to lawmakers were seen as clear signs that he is in trouble.
Mr. Jang and his wife emerged as key brokers of power in the reclusive North Korean regime after Kim Jong-il suffered a stroke in 2008. They played leading roles in engineering the fast-track grooming of Kim Jong-un as designated heir, analysts said. Following Kim Jong-il’s death in late 2011, the couple then helped their nephew consolidate power through a series of purges that replaced 44 percent of top party, military and cabinet officials. Mr. Jang is estranged from his ailing wife, according to reports in the South Korean media. Mr. Jang, 67, has been a mentor to his nephew as well as a fixture in the North Korean power elite since the days of Mr. Kim’s father, Kim Jong-il, exercising his widespread influence from the party’s administrative department, which he led. He is the husband of Kim Kyong-hee, the beloved sister of Kim Jong-il and an aunt of the current leader.
But Mr. Jang’s seemingly unbridled influence has also prompted outside analysts to speculate that Mr. Kim would eventually see him as a potential challenge to his authority. They said that Mr. Kim has moved to weaken the broad network Mr. Jang had built while the regime was going through a transition in the past two years. On Sunday, the main party daily Rodong Sinmun, the North’s key propaganda tool, exhorted North Koreans to thoroughly establish the “monolithic leadership of Kim Jong-un” and “follow him to the end of the world.” Mr. Jang and his wife emerged as key brokers of power in the reclusive North Korean regime after Kim Jong-il suffered a stroke in 2008. They played leading roles in engineering the fast-track grooming of Kim Jong-un as designated heir, analysts said. Following Kim Jong-il’s death in late 2011, the couple then helped their nephew consolidate power through a series of purges that replaced 44 percent of top officials in the party, military and cabinet.
“The intelligence agency gave us an unexpected briefing, saying that they had something urgent to report about a development of great import in North Korea,” said Jeong Cheong-rae, a lawmaker affiliated with the opposition Democratic Party in South Korea. “They said they believed that Jang Song-thaek had fallen from power.” But Mr. Jang’s seemingly unbridled influence has also prompted outside analysts to speculate that Mr. Kim would eventually see him as a potential challenge to his authority. They said Mr. Kim had moved to weaken the broad network Mr. Jang built while the government was going through a transition in the past two years. On Sunday, the main party daily, Rodong Sinmun, the North’s key propaganda tool, exhorted North Koreans to thoroughly establish the “monolithic leadership of Kim Jong-un” and “follow him to the end of the world.”
It remained unclear whether Mr. Jang had just lost jobs or had also been incarcerated. Jeong Cheong-rae, a lawmaker affiliated with the opposition Democratic Party in South Korea, said: “The intelligence agency gave us an unexpected briefing, saying that they had something urgent to report about a development of great import in North Korea. They said they believed that Jang Song-thaek had fallen from power.”
Mr. Jang had disappeared from North Korean news media since Nov. 6, when he received Kanji Inoki, a former professional wrestler turned politician from Japan, in his capacity as North Korea’s top sports official. A public appearance together with Kim Jong-un, key proof that an official is favored by Mr. Kim, was last awarded to Mr. Jang on Oct. 10, the anniversary of the party. It remained unclear whether Mr. Jang had just lost jobs or had also been incarcerated. Mr. Jang is estranged from his ailing wife, according to reports in the South Korean media.
The number of Mr. Jang’s appearances with Mr. Kim in North Korean media halved from 106 last year to 52 so far this year, according to the Unification Ministry of South Korea. Mr. Jang has not been seen in the North Korean news media since Nov. 6, when he received Kanji Inoki, a former professional wrestler turned politician from Japan, in his capacity as North Korea’s top sports official. A public appearance together with Kim Jong-un, a big sign that an official is favored by Mr. Kim, was last awarded to Mr. Jang on Oct. 10, the party's anniversary.
The number of Mr. Jang’s appearances with Mr. Kim in North Korean news media fell to 52 so far this year from 106 last year, according to the Unification Ministry of South Korea.
The sudden toppling of Mr. Jang was likely to unleash a shake-up of the power structure in Pyongyang, analysts here said.The sudden toppling of Mr. Jang was likely to unleash a shake-up of the power structure in Pyongyang, analysts here said.
The regime propagated the news of the executions of Mr. Jang’s two deputies at the party, Ri Yong-ha and Jang Su-gil, to the military and other elites while stepping up ideological education aimed at boosting loyalty to Kim Jong-un, said Cho Won-jin, a lawmaker belonging to the governing Saenuri Party of South Korea who attended an intelligence briefing on Tuesday. The regime propagated the news of the executions of Mr. Jang’s two deputies, Ri Yong-ha and Jang Su-gil, to the military and other elites while stepping up ideological education aimed at increasing loyalty to Kim Jong-un, said Cho Won-jin, a lawmaker belonging to the governing Saenuri Party of South Korea who attended an intelligence briefing on Tuesday.
More investigations and purges of people connected with Mr. Jang were underway, Mr. Cho quoted intelligence officials as saying.More investigations and purges of people connected with Mr. Jang were underway, Mr. Cho quoted intelligence officials as saying.
A spokesman for the National Intelligence Service referred to the comments from Mr. Cho and Mr. Jeong when reporters asked for information about its parliamentary briefing. The briefing to the lawmakers was widely reported in South Korean news media on Tuesday.A spokesman for the National Intelligence Service referred to the comments from Mr. Cho and Mr. Jeong when reporters asked for information about its parliamentary briefing. The briefing to the lawmakers was widely reported in South Korean news media on Tuesday.
Mr. Jang has been a member of key agencies headed by Kim Jong-un: He is a member of the Politburo, vice chairman of the party’s Central Military Commission and vice chairman of the National Defense Commission. Mr. Jang has been a member of key agencies headed by Kim Jong-un: He has been a member of the Politburo, vice chairman of the party’s Central Military Commission and vice chairman of the National Defense Commission.
Pyongyang politics is rich ground for speculation among North Korea watchers. Since Mr. Kim took power, they have theorized that a power and policy struggle might be playing out behind the public displays of mass solidarity. Mr. Jang has long been described as a “guardian” for his young nephew. Some analysts have proposed that Mr. Kim remained little more than a figurehead, with the real power belonging to his “regent,” Mr. Jang. Pyongyang politics is rich ground for speculation among North Korea watchers. Since Mr. Kim took power, they have theorized that a power and policy struggle might be playing out behind the public displays of mass solidarity. Mr. Jang has long been described as a “guardian” for his young nephew. Some analysts have suggested that Mr. Kim remained little more than a figurehead, with the real power belonging to his “regent,” Mr. Jang.
Such speculation gained currency as Mr. Jang and his wife won key party posts in recent years. A new party elite — many of whose members were reportedly also close to the couple — also deprived the old military elite of lucrative rights, including the ability to trade in minerals and other commodities. Such speculation gained currency as Mr. Jang and his wife won important party posts in recent years. A new party elite — many of whose members were reportedly also close to the couple — also deprived the old military elite of lucrative powers, including the ability to trade in minerals and other commodities.
In April, Pak Pong-ju, an economic technocrat reportedly close to Mr. Jang, was made premier, a post that includes oversight of the economy. Mr. Jang had been seen as something of a champion of economic openness in North Korea. Last year, he visited China to seek Beijing’s help in building two free economic zones on its border. In April, Pak Pong-ju, an economic technocrat described as close to Mr. Jang, was made premier, a post that includes oversight of the economy. Mr. Jang had been seen as something of a champion of economic openness in North Korea. Last year, he visited China to seek Beijing’s help in building two free economic zones on its border.
But longtime observers of North Korea, especially those in South Korea, have emphasized that the concentration of power in the top leader, a system perfected by Mr. Kim’s father, rendered Mr. Jang and any other member of the elites as just a pawn in Kim Jong-un’s scheme of control. But longtime observers of North Korea, especially those in South Korea, have emphasized that the concentration of power in the top leader, a system perfected by Mr. Kim’s father, renders Mr. Jang and any other member of the elites as pawns in Kim Jong-un’s scheme of control.
Mr. Kim, 30, has swiftly consolidated his grip since he was declared supreme leader after his father’s death. His key tactic has been sidelining the old stalwarts from his father’s days and elevating a new set of generals and party officials who owe their loyalty directly to him. He has often tested the loyalty of top generals by dismissing or demoting them and letting them try to win his favor again — often by spying against others, another technique of leadership inherited from his father, according to South Korean officials and analysts. Mr. Kim, 30, has swiftly consolidated his grip since being declared supreme leader after his father’s death. He sidelined the stalwarts from his father’s days and elevated a new set of generals and party officials who owe their loyalty directly to him. He has often tested the loyalty of top generals by dismissing or demoting them and letting them try to win his favor again — often by spying against others, another technique of leadership inherited from his father, according to South Korean officials and analysts.
Mr. Jang has disappeared from public view twice before, the last time from 2003 to 2006, during a period when Mr. Kim’s father suppressed his power. He was humbled and later reinstated, according to South Korean officials.Mr. Jang has disappeared from public view twice before, the last time from 2003 to 2006, during a period when Mr. Kim’s father suppressed his power. He was humbled and later reinstated, according to South Korean officials.
Cheong Seong-chang, a senior analyst at Sejong Institute in South Korea, said that Mr. Jang’s latest downfall must have been engineered by Kim Won-hong, who was made head of the North’s secret police and spy agency in April last year, and Vice Marshal Choe Ryong-hae, who became the top political officer in the military under Mr. Kim. Cheong Seong-chang, a senior analyst at Sejong Institute in South Korea, said Mr. Jang’s latest downfall must have been engineered by Kim Won-hong, who was made head of the North’s secret police and spy agency in April last year, and Vice Marshal Choe Ryong-hae, who became the top political officer in the military under Mr. Kim.
Mr. Choe has long been known as a protégé of Mr. Jang. But he eclipsed Mr. Jang in influence this year by appearing with Mr. Kim in North Korean media more often than any other member of the elite.Mr. Choe has long been known as a protégé of Mr. Jang. But he eclipsed Mr. Jang in influence this year by appearing with Mr. Kim in North Korean media more often than any other member of the elite.
“In a totalitarian system, the life of the No. 2 man or regent is oftentimes short and precarious,” said Lee Sung-yoon, a North Korea specialist at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University.
Mr. Jang may survive this reported purge and come back, as he did from his two previous purges, because it would be hard for Kim Jong-un to kill an uncle, Mr. Lee said. “But the latest purge or execution of Jang’s followers sends a powerful message to all and particularly to those harboring illusions of power,” he said.
On Tuesday, the South Korean intelligence officials said the North’s secret police began investigating the corruption of Mr. Jang’s close allies this year.On Tuesday, the South Korean intelligence officials said the North’s secret police began investigating the corruption of Mr. Jang’s close allies this year.
“I don’t think Jang’s deputies were executed for mere corruption: Rather, they were executed because they established a ‘power,'” said Mr. Cheong, the Sejong analyst. “This case shows that Jang has never been a ‘de facto No. 2.’ If anything, it shows that Kim Jong-un’s power is solid and the North Korean elite will become more fervent to prove their loyalty to him.” “I don’t think Jang’s deputies were executed for mere corruption: Rather, they were executed because they established a ‘power,’ ” said Mr. Cheong, the analyst. “This case shows that Jang has never been a ‘de facto No. 2.’ If anything, it shows that Kim Jong-un’s power is solid and the North Korean elite will become more fervent to prove their loyalty to him.”