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In Obama’s Praise of Mandela, a Nudge to Africa In Obama’s Praise of Mandela, a Nudge to Africa
(about 9 hours later)
WASHINGTON — When President Obama delivered his eulogy of Nelson Mandela in Soweto, South Africa, on Tuesday, he intended it as both a celebration of Mr. Mandela and a chastisement, not just of himself for failing to live up to the Mandela legacy, but of the African leaders who listened to him in the pelting rain.WASHINGTON — When President Obama delivered his eulogy of Nelson Mandela in Soweto, South Africa, on Tuesday, he intended it as both a celebration of Mr. Mandela and a chastisement, not just of himself for failing to live up to the Mandela legacy, but of the African leaders who listened to him in the pelting rain.
Mr. Obama’s message to the rest of the continent was overshadowed by his deeply personal linking of Mr. Mandela’s life to his own, not to mention his handshake with President Raúl Castro of Cuba and the snapping of a “selfie” with the Danish and British prime ministers.Mr. Obama’s message to the rest of the continent was overshadowed by his deeply personal linking of Mr. Mandela’s life to his own, not to mention his handshake with President Raúl Castro of Cuba and the snapping of a “selfie” with the Danish and British prime ministers.
But the president’s chiding tone was unmistakable. “There are too many of us who happily embrace Madiba’s legacy of racial reconciliation, but passionately resist even modest reforms that would challenge chronic poverty and growing inequality,” Mr. Obama said, using Mr. Mandela’s clan name.But the president’s chiding tone was unmistakable. “There are too many of us who happily embrace Madiba’s legacy of racial reconciliation, but passionately resist even modest reforms that would challenge chronic poverty and growing inequality,” Mr. Obama said, using Mr. Mandela’s clan name.
The struggle for Africa, Mr. Obama said, did not end with liberation, equal rights or universal suffrage. It continues with the laborious push for better governance, less corruption, stronger defense of human rights, functional schools and less sectarian strife — a struggle, his aides say, that he believes is stymied by corrupt and feckless leaders.The struggle for Africa, Mr. Obama said, did not end with liberation, equal rights or universal suffrage. It continues with the laborious push for better governance, less corruption, stronger defense of human rights, functional schools and less sectarian strife — a struggle, his aides say, that he believes is stymied by corrupt and feckless leaders.
It is not the first time that Mr. Obama has called for more accountability in sub-Saharan Africa. On his first trip there as president, in July 2009, he told lawmakers in Ghana that Africa needed more leaders who did not engineer coups and rewrite constitutions to stay in power. “Africa doesn’t need strongmen,” he said, “it needs strong institutions.”It is not the first time that Mr. Obama has called for more accountability in sub-Saharan Africa. On his first trip there as president, in July 2009, he told lawmakers in Ghana that Africa needed more leaders who did not engineer coups and rewrite constitutions to stay in power. “Africa doesn’t need strongmen,” he said, “it needs strong institutions.”
The difference now is that Mr. Obama is no longer just a symbol of hope, the native son who prompted Ghana’s Parliament to break out in chants of “Yes, we can!” He has a five-year record of engagement, which has fulfilled the hopes of some but disappointed many others, who see a gap between his words and deeds.The difference now is that Mr. Obama is no longer just a symbol of hope, the native son who prompted Ghana’s Parliament to break out in chants of “Yes, we can!” He has a five-year record of engagement, which has fulfilled the hopes of some but disappointed many others, who see a gap between his words and deeds.
“I give him credit for raising this,” said J. Peter Pham, the director of the Africa Center at the Atlantic Council. “Because of who he is, what he looks like, the president is able to say it. Someone else in that position would not have gotten away with lecturing Africans like that.”“I give him credit for raising this,” said J. Peter Pham, the director of the Africa Center at the Atlantic Council. “Because of who he is, what he looks like, the president is able to say it. Someone else in that position would not have gotten away with lecturing Africans like that.”
But, Mr. Pham added, “it would be far more credible if they actually followed through.”But, Mr. Pham added, “it would be far more credible if they actually followed through.”
For every Laurent Gbagbo, the despotic leader of the Ivory Coast whom Mr. Obama helped nudge out through phone calls to other African leaders (and a rebuffed call to Mr. Gbagbo himself), there is a Joseph Kabila, the president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, who continues to be supported by the United States despite clinging to office in a tainted election.For every Laurent Gbagbo, the despotic leader of the Ivory Coast whom Mr. Obama helped nudge out through phone calls to other African leaders (and a rebuffed call to Mr. Gbagbo himself), there is a Joseph Kabila, the president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, who continues to be supported by the United States despite clinging to office in a tainted election.
The Obama administration has kept pressure on Kenya’s president, Uhuru Kenyatta, who has been charged by the International Criminal Court for his role in deadly violence after elections in 2007. But in September 2009, it awarded a $540 million Millennium Challenge contract to Senegal, which was afflicted at the time by rampant cronyism.The Obama administration has kept pressure on Kenya’s president, Uhuru Kenyatta, who has been charged by the International Criminal Court for his role in deadly violence after elections in 2007. But in September 2009, it awarded a $540 million Millennium Challenge contract to Senegal, which was afflicted at the time by rampant cronyism.
The United States, critics say, overlooks abuses in countries with which it has strong security ties: Ethiopia, Uganda and Rwanda, for example. And like his predecessors, Mr. Obama has struggled to keep a focus on Africa amid a cascade of crises in the Middle East. Budget constraints have put ambitious development programs out of reach.The United States, critics say, overlooks abuses in countries with which it has strong security ties: Ethiopia, Uganda and Rwanda, for example. And like his predecessors, Mr. Obama has struggled to keep a focus on Africa amid a cascade of crises in the Middle East. Budget constraints have put ambitious development programs out of reach.
“In some ways, he’s become more of a normal American president over time,” said Jennifer G. Cooke, the director of the Africa program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.“In some ways, he’s become more of a normal American president over time,” said Jennifer G. Cooke, the director of the Africa program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
The good news, Ms. Cooke and other experts say, is that Mr. Obama has charted a new approach in his second term that reflects how the continent, and America’s role, has changed. During a trip there last summer, he emphasized investments in energy, notably Power Africa, a $7 billion program to bring electricity to more of sub-Saharan Africa.The good news, Ms. Cooke and other experts say, is that Mr. Obama has charted a new approach in his second term that reflects how the continent, and America’s role, has changed. During a trip there last summer, he emphasized investments in energy, notably Power Africa, a $7 billion program to bring electricity to more of sub-Saharan Africa.
With China and other countries pouring money into Africa, that focus may help keep the United States in the game. Ms. Cooke noted that after the administration pressured Mr. Kenyatta on his legal problems, he pointedly made his first official visit to Beijing.With China and other countries pouring money into Africa, that focus may help keep the United States in the game. Ms. Cooke noted that after the administration pressured Mr. Kenyatta on his legal problems, he pointedly made his first official visit to Beijing.
“A lot of these authoritarian leaders are much less inclined to listen to the U.S. because they have other alternatives,” she said.“A lot of these authoritarian leaders are much less inclined to listen to the U.S. because they have other alternatives,” she said.
Still, Mr. Obama retains extraordinary stature in Africa. And in his eulogy of Mr. Mandela, he did not hesitate to deploy it to the fullest. The president’s foreign policy speechwriter, Benjamin J. Rhodes, said Mr. Obama labored over the address, taking Mr. Rhodes’s draft and rewriting it from top to bottom in longhand — something he has done only once before, with his acceptance speech for the Nobel Peace Prize.Still, Mr. Obama retains extraordinary stature in Africa. And in his eulogy of Mr. Mandela, he did not hesitate to deploy it to the fullest. The president’s foreign policy speechwriter, Benjamin J. Rhodes, said Mr. Obama labored over the address, taking Mr. Rhodes’s draft and rewriting it from top to bottom in longhand — something he has done only once before, with his acceptance speech for the Nobel Peace Prize.
The president tinkered with it throughout the flight to South Africa, taking breaks to play host to former President George W. Bush and wife, Laura, and Hillary Rodham Clinton, the former secretary of state, who were aboard Air Force One.The president tinkered with it throughout the flight to South Africa, taking breaks to play host to former President George W. Bush and wife, Laura, and Hillary Rodham Clinton, the former secretary of state, who were aboard Air Force One.
In holding up Mr. Mandela as an exemplar, the president also mentioned Walter Sisulu and Oliver Tambo, two other early leaders of the African National Congress youth league. His point, Mr. Rhodes said, was to “sketch out a template of leadership,” not just to focus on a singular individual.In holding up Mr. Mandela as an exemplar, the president also mentioned Walter Sisulu and Oliver Tambo, two other early leaders of the African National Congress youth league. His point, Mr. Rhodes said, was to “sketch out a template of leadership,” not just to focus on a singular individual.
To that end, Mr. Obama has paid attention to young Africans rising into leadership roles. In 2010, the 50th anniversary of the liberation of 17 sub-Saharan countries from colonial rule, he gathered Africans from nearly 50 countries at the White House for a pep talk on leadership. Next summer, he plans to do it again with 500 young Africans.To that end, Mr. Obama has paid attention to young Africans rising into leadership roles. In 2010, the 50th anniversary of the liberation of 17 sub-Saharan countries from colonial rule, he gathered Africans from nearly 50 countries at the White House for a pep talk on leadership. Next summer, he plans to do it again with 500 young Africans.
Given Mr. Obama’s mixed record in Africa, it is apt that he reminded the crowd in Soweto of Mr. Mandela’s insistence on acknowledging his shortcomings. The president cited his famous line, “I’m not a saint, unless you think of a saint as a sinner who keeps on trying.”Given Mr. Obama’s mixed record in Africa, it is apt that he reminded the crowd in Soweto of Mr. Mandela’s insistence on acknowledging his shortcomings. The president cited his famous line, “I’m not a saint, unless you think of a saint as a sinner who keeps on trying.”
Mr. Mandela’s death, he said, “should prompt in each of us a time for self-reflection.”Mr. Mandela’s death, he said, “should prompt in each of us a time for self-reflection.”
“With honesty, regardless of our station or circumstance, we must ask: How well have I applied his lessons in my own life?” he added. “It is a question I ask myself, as a man and as a president.”“With honesty, regardless of our station or circumstance, we must ask: How well have I applied his lessons in my own life?” he added. “It is a question I ask myself, as a man and as a president.”

This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Correction: December 18, 2013 Correction: December 19, 2013

An earlier version of this article referred imprecisely to the history of the African National Congress. While Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu and Nelson Mandela founded the A.N.C. youth league in 1942, and heavily influenced the modern day A.N.C., they were not among the “founding fathers” of the A.N.C., which dates its beginning to 1912.

An article on Saturday about President Obama’s engagement with Africa during his first five years in office referred imprecisely to the history of the African National Congress. While Oliver Tambo, Walter Sisulu and Nelson Mandela founded the A.N.C. youth league in 1942, and heavily influenced the modern day A.N.C., they were not among the “founding fathers” of the A.N.C., which dates its beginning to 1912.