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Funeral Turnout Shows Lebanon’s Ebbing Morale Funeral Turnout Shows Lebanon’s Ebbing Morale
(5 days later)
BEIRUT, Lebanon — Gravelly, windswept Martyr’s Square, a vast blank space carved from the heart of Beirut by civil war, teemed on March 14, 2005, with hundreds of thousands of Lebanese, galvanized by the assassination of Rafik Hariri, a former prime minister, to build a mass movement that would help push the Syrian Army out of Lebanon.BEIRUT, Lebanon — Gravelly, windswept Martyr’s Square, a vast blank space carved from the heart of Beirut by civil war, teemed on March 14, 2005, with hundreds of thousands of Lebanese, galvanized by the assassination of Rafik Hariri, a former prime minister, to build a mass movement that would help push the Syrian Army out of Lebanon.
Not so on Sunday, when barely 1,000 people appeared on the square under a metal-gray overcast sky for the funeral of Mohamad B. Chatah, who was killed on Friday the same way Mr. Hariri was, by a car bomb in downtown Beirut that many mourners said was the work of the Syrian government and its Lebanese allies. A former finance minister, Mr. Chatah was a prominent critic of the Syrian government.Not so on Sunday, when barely 1,000 people appeared on the square under a metal-gray overcast sky for the funeral of Mohamad B. Chatah, who was killed on Friday the same way Mr. Hariri was, by a car bomb in downtown Beirut that many mourners said was the work of the Syrian government and its Lebanese allies. A former finance minister, Mr. Chatah was a prominent critic of the Syrian government.
Few traces could be seen on Sunday of the optimism of the March 14th movement, or of its broad, nonsectarian appeal. A forlorn handful of March 14th veterans were there; others, they said, stayed home because they were “depressed” and “resigned” after nearly nine years, dozens more unsolved assassinations in Lebanon and President Bashar al-Assad of Syria still in power after pulverizing many neighborhoods to fend off an uprising. The handful appeared to be far outnumbered by young followers of militant Sunni sheikhs, carrying the black flag flown by jihadists in Syria. Some had fought there, and others vowed to join what they saw as a coming sectarian war against the Shiite militia Hezbollah, which is backing Mr. Assad in his fight to retain power.Few traces could be seen on Sunday of the optimism of the March 14th movement, or of its broad, nonsectarian appeal. A forlorn handful of March 14th veterans were there; others, they said, stayed home because they were “depressed” and “resigned” after nearly nine years, dozens more unsolved assassinations in Lebanon and President Bashar al-Assad of Syria still in power after pulverizing many neighborhoods to fend off an uprising. The handful appeared to be far outnumbered by young followers of militant Sunni sheikhs, carrying the black flag flown by jihadists in Syria. Some had fought there, and others vowed to join what they saw as a coming sectarian war against the Shiite militia Hezbollah, which is backing Mr. Assad in his fight to retain power.
“Everyone here is afraid of the Shiites,” said Hosni Rahal, a bulky and unemployed young man from the northern city of Tripoli, standing with a group of friends beside a Christmas tree across the square from the towering Mohammad al-Amin mosque. The only reason he had not joined his friends who are fighting in Syria, Mr. Rahal said, was that “if I am going to die in jihad, I want to die fighting in my own country.”“Everyone here is afraid of the Shiites,” said Hosni Rahal, a bulky and unemployed young man from the northern city of Tripoli, standing with a group of friends beside a Christmas tree across the square from the towering Mohammad al-Amin mosque. The only reason he had not joined his friends who are fighting in Syria, Mr. Rahal said, was that “if I am going to die in jihad, I want to die fighting in my own country.”
It was a measure of the shrunken hopes of Lebanon’s democracy movement that the loudest expressions of outrage over the death of Mr. Chatah came not from liberals lamenting the murder of one of their most admired figures, but from Sunni clerics who framed the bombing primarily as an attack on their sect. “The Sunnis are being targeted,” one cleric said at the funeral of Mohammed Chaar, 16, one of six other people killed in the same bombing as Mr. Chatah.It was a measure of the shrunken hopes of Lebanon’s democracy movement that the loudest expressions of outrage over the death of Mr. Chatah came not from liberals lamenting the murder of one of their most admired figures, but from Sunni clerics who framed the bombing primarily as an attack on their sect. “The Sunnis are being targeted,” one cleric said at the funeral of Mohammed Chaar, 16, one of six other people killed in the same bombing as Mr. Chatah.
More passion was evident at that funeral than in the square, from both democracy activists and from Sunni partisans — a sign of how disillusioned people are with traditional leaders, both March 14th figures and old-school Sunni notables.More passion was evident at that funeral than in the square, from both democracy activists and from Sunni partisans — a sign of how disillusioned people are with traditional leaders, both March 14th figures and old-school Sunni notables.
At Mr. Chaar’s funeral, held at the Khashoggi mosque in the Qasqas district across town from the square, Lebanon’s grand mufti was harried by an angry crowd and had to be spirited away by security forces. The mufti is despised by some Sunnis, who call him a Hezbollah stooge for failing to condemn Mr. Assad’s crackdown. Another cleric then spoke, insulting Hezbollah as “Hezb al-Shaytan,” the party of the devil — discomfiting some mourners who wanted to keep politics out of the funeral.At Mr. Chaar’s funeral, held at the Khashoggi mosque in the Qasqas district across town from the square, Lebanon’s grand mufti was harried by an angry crowd and had to be spirited away by security forces. The mufti is despised by some Sunnis, who call him a Hezbollah stooge for failing to condemn Mr. Assad’s crackdown. Another cleric then spoke, insulting Hezbollah as “Hezb al-Shaytan,” the party of the devil — discomfiting some mourners who wanted to keep politics out of the funeral.
After the funerals, Lebanon’s president, Michel Suleiman, announced that Saudi Arabia was donating $3 billion to the Lebanon Army, the largest grant ever to the institution to “fight terrorism.” That, too, played into divisions; the army is one of few national agencies with broad-based support, but is seen as growing closer to Hezbollah. Supporters of the move saw an effort to bolster a national institution; critics saw an act of sectarian patronage by Sunni-led Saudi Arabia, the regional rival of Shiite-led Iran, Hezbollah’s patron.After the funerals, Lebanon’s president, Michel Suleiman, announced that Saudi Arabia was donating $3 billion to the Lebanon Army, the largest grant ever to the institution to “fight terrorism.” That, too, played into divisions; the army is one of few national agencies with broad-based support, but is seen as growing closer to Hezbollah. Supporters of the move saw an effort to bolster a national institution; critics saw an act of sectarian patronage by Sunni-led Saudi Arabia, the regional rival of Shiite-led Iran, Hezbollah’s patron.
The protesters of 2005 tried to reach beyond Lebanon’s fractured sect- and clan-based politics to create a movement that teamed some traditional parties — including the Hariri family’s Sunni and pro-Saudi Future Movement — with independents who were eager to build a strong sense of Lebanese citizenship and identity. Popular frustration drew millions of Lebanese — perhaps half the population — into the streets to demand that Syria end its direct control of the country and allow real political freedom. Syria withdrew its troops, and Lebanon elected a March 14th government determined to curtail Hezbollah’s power.The protesters of 2005 tried to reach beyond Lebanon’s fractured sect- and clan-based politics to create a movement that teamed some traditional parties — including the Hariri family’s Sunni and pro-Saudi Future Movement — with independents who were eager to build a strong sense of Lebanese citizenship and identity. Popular frustration drew millions of Lebanese — perhaps half the population — into the streets to demand that Syria end its direct control of the country and allow real political freedom. Syria withdrew its troops, and Lebanon elected a March 14th government determined to curtail Hezbollah’s power.
But in the years that followed, dozens of Lebanese politicians and officials were assassinated, almost all of them from what became known as the March 14th coalition, and Hezbollah fought a war with Israel, emerging stronger than ever both politically and militarily. By 2008, Hezbollah controlled the government, and the March 14th coalition had fragmented into competing, largely sectarian fiefdoms.But in the years that followed, dozens of Lebanese politicians and officials were assassinated, almost all of them from what became known as the March 14th coalition, and Hezbollah fought a war with Israel, emerging stronger than ever both politically and militarily. By 2008, Hezbollah controlled the government, and the March 14th coalition had fragmented into competing, largely sectarian fiefdoms.
When mass protest movements swept other Arab countries in 2011, Lebanon was mostly quiet. Many people here said the failure of the March 14th coalition to achieve any systemic change, and the bullying strength of its opponents, were to blame for the apathy. “We’re depressed,” said Fida Hajjeh, who came from Tripoli for Mr. Chatah’s funeral along with the sister-in-law of Wissam al-Hassan, a senior security official who was killed in a bombing last year. Most of Beirut’s intellectuals stayed home on Sunday, she said, because they believed that turning out in protest at the killing “will do nothing.”When mass protest movements swept other Arab countries in 2011, Lebanon was mostly quiet. Many people here said the failure of the March 14th coalition to achieve any systemic change, and the bullying strength of its opponents, were to blame for the apathy. “We’re depressed,” said Fida Hajjeh, who came from Tripoli for Mr. Chatah’s funeral along with the sister-in-law of Wissam al-Hassan, a senior security official who was killed in a bombing last year. Most of Beirut’s intellectuals stayed home on Sunday, she said, because they believed that turning out in protest at the killing “will do nothing.”
A knot of those who did turn out stood in the square near the Christmas tree. Kamal Yazigi, a philosopher and political independent who belongs to the March 14 the coalition’s secretariat, said that while “the idea” of their movement survived, “It is a plane without a pilot.”A knot of those who did turn out stood in the square near the Christmas tree. Kamal Yazigi, a philosopher and political independent who belongs to the March 14 the coalition’s secretariat, said that while “the idea” of their movement survived, “It is a plane without a pilot.”
The nominal head of the movement is Saad Hariri, Rafik Hariri’s son, but he lives in Paris and rarely visits Lebanon, fearing assassination. The void is filled partly by the militant Sunni clerics that the would-be fighter, Mr. Rahal, said he preferred to Mr. Hariri.The nominal head of the movement is Saad Hariri, Rafik Hariri’s son, but he lives in Paris and rarely visits Lebanon, fearing assassination. The void is filled partly by the militant Sunni clerics that the would-be fighter, Mr. Rahal, said he preferred to Mr. Hariri.
Antoine Courban, professor of American studies at St. Joseph University in Beirut, crossed himself as Mr. Chatah’s coffin emerged. “Sunnis who have been humiliated so many times may be tempted by radical leaders,” he said. “They don’t think of themselves primarily as a religious community. When they start to feel that way, it will be the end of the idea of a pluralistic, secular Lebanon.”Antoine Courban, professor of American studies at St. Joseph University in Beirut, crossed himself as Mr. Chatah’s coffin emerged. “Sunnis who have been humiliated so many times may be tempted by radical leaders,” he said. “They don’t think of themselves primarily as a religious community. When they start to feel that way, it will be the end of the idea of a pluralistic, secular Lebanon.”
A short distance away, Mr. Rahal’s friends chanted insults about the Hezbollah leader, Hassan Nasrallah; one unfurled a black flag with religious slogans. Other mourners shushed them, and the jihadist flag was discretely sheathed again.A short distance away, Mr. Rahal’s friends chanted insults about the Hezbollah leader, Hassan Nasrallah; one unfurled a black flag with religious slogans. Other mourners shushed them, and the jihadist flag was discretely sheathed again.

Thanassis Cambanis contributed reporting.

Thanassis Cambanis contributed reporting.

This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:
Correction: January 3, 2014

An earlier version of a capsule summary with this article included an outdated reference to the Syrian Army. It was pushed out of Lebanon in 2005; it does not in fact remain there.