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Met police hope personal cameras can restore trust after Mark Duggan killing Met police hope personal cameras can restore trust after Mark Duggan killing
(about 11 hours later)
The introduction of body-worn video cameras for firearms officers can't come soon enough for the Metropolitan police commissioner, Sir Bernard Hogan-Howe, who is struggling to win the trust and confidence of black Londoners in the wake of the Mark Duggan inquest verdict of lawful killing. The introduction of body-worn video cameras for firearms officers can't come soon enough for the Metropolitan police commissioner, Sir Bernard Hogan-Howe, who is struggling to win the trust and confidence of black Londoners after the Mark Duggan inquest verdict of lawful killing.
The use of these tiny oblong cameras, the size of a stubby cigar, has grabbed the attention of police forces around the world since a 2012 trial in Rialto near Los Angeles showed that the use of force by officers fell by 60% and complaints against them plunged 88%. These tiny oblong cameras, the size of a stubby cigar, grabbed the attention of police forces around the world when a 2012 trial in Rialto near Los Angeles suggested that the use of force by officers fell by 60% and complaints against them dropped 88% when they were present."When you know you're being watched you behave a little better. That's just human nature," said the Rialto police chief. "As an officer you act a bit more professional, follow the rules a bit better."
"When you know you're being watched you behave a little better. That's just human nature," said the Rialto police chief. "As an officer you act a bit more professional, follow the rules a bit better." For the Met there are still some technical issues to be overcome but a trial is due to begin this year. It will mean that the actions of armed response officers and those with whom they are dealing will be recorded and may be used as evidence.That could prove extremely helpful, as it did in the Lee Rigby case, in resolving some of the most difficult arguments that arise in such cases and in the length of time that it takes to do so.
For the Met there are still some practical technical issues to be overcome but they promise that a trial will begin this year. It will mean that the actions of armed response officers and those they are dealing with will be recorded and may be used as evidence. Hogan-Howe is well aware that it is only one step that needs to be taken after the breach of trust between London's black communities and the Met, which he has acknowledged took place after Duggan's death in 2011.
That could prove extremely helpful, as it did in the Lee Rigby case, in resolving some of the most difficult arguments that arise in such cases and in the length of time that it takes to do so. The Met commissioner faces an uphill struggle to tackle the strong perception that black and other minority ethnic Londoners are excessively targeted by the police. The toxic legacy of more than 30 years of black Londoners being disproportionately policed and over-represented at nearly every stage of the criminal justice system – from stop and search to prison – will take more than a lapel camera to reverse.
But Hogan-Howe is well aware it is only one small step that needs to be taken in the wake of the fresh breach of trust between London's black communities and the Met that he has acknowledged took place after Duggan's death in 2011. The names of those who died are not forgotten. Cynthia Jarrett, whose 1985 death during a police search of her Tottenham home provoked the original Broadwater Farm riot, and Joy Gardner, who died in 1993 after being bound and gagged with 13ft of sticking tape during a Met police deportation attempt, are often remembered. An inquest began this week into the death of Leon Briggs, 39, a black father of two, in police custody in Luton last November, – a case which appears to reinforce the widespread belief that black people are being excessively targeted.
The Met commissioner faces an uphill struggle to tackle the strong perception that black and other minority ethnic Londoners are excessively targeted by the police. But have matters improved over the last 20 years?
The toxic legacy of more than 30 years of disproportionate policing and over-representation in nearly every stage of the criminal justice system from stop and search to prison will take more than a lapel camera to reverse. Independent Police Complaints Commission figures for 2012-13 suggest that 15 people died in or following police custody, of whom 14 were white and one was mixed race. In 2011-12 there were also 15 deaths of which one was a black person and one was mixed race.
The names of those who died are not forgotten. Cynthia Jarrett, whose 1985 death during a police search of her Tottenham home sparked the original Broadwater Farm riot, and Joy Gardner, who died in 1993 after being bound and gagged with 13ft of sticking tape during a Met police deportation attempt, are often remembered. Inquest, which campaigns on behalf of those who have died in police custody, says 144 black and minority ethnic people have died in police custody or after contact with the police in England and Wales since 1990 out of a total of 1,476 deaths. In 2011 an IPCC report on deaths in police custody concluded the proportion was broadly in line with the ethnic make-up of those detained by the police in the first place.
An inquest opened this week into the death of Leon Briggs, 39, a black father of two, in police custody in Luton last November – a case which appears to reinforce the widespread belief that black people are being excessively targeted. Inquest also records that nine black and minority ethnic people have died in the 55 fatal police shootings in England and Wales since 1990.
But it is necessary to step back a moment and see whether what was undoubtedly true in the 1980s and the early 1990s is still the case 20 years later in 2013. That is disproportionately high and each death is a tragedy. But nine deaths over 23 years, seven of them involving the Met, do not indicate a trigger-happy gun culture aong police officers.
The Independent Police Complaints Commission figures for 2012-13 show that 15 people died in or following police custody, of whom 14 were white and one was mixed race. In 2011-12 there were also 15 deaths of which one was a black person and one was mixed race. Anger in black communities, however, might be justified by the fact that there have been 10 deaths in police custody for which a verdict of unlawful killing has been returned by an inquest jury or a public inquiry – but none of them has led to the successful prosecution of a police officer.
Inquest, which campaigns on behalf of those who have died in custody, says 144 black and minority ethnic people have died in police custody or otherwise following contact with the police in England and Wales since 1990. Hogan-Howe knows that stop and search is the experience that has most corroded the trust and confidence of black Londoners in the police.
That is out of a total of 1,476 such cases in the last 23 years. In 2011 an IPCC report on long-term deaths in police custody concluded the proportion was broadly in line with the ethnic make-up of those detained by the police in the first place. Its use in London has been scaled back in recent years from 500,000 stops in 2009-10 to 250,000 in 2011-12 without jeopardising the fall in the crime rate.
Inquest also records that nine black and minority ethnic people have died in the 55 fatal police shootings across England and Wales that have occurred since 1990.
That is disproportionately high and each death is a tragedy. But nine deaths over 23 years, seven of them involving the Met, do not indicate a trigger-happy gun culture among the police.
Anger in black communities, however, might be justified by the fact that there have been 10 cases of deaths in police custody in which an unlawful killing verdict has been returned by an inquest jury or a public inquiry but none of them have led to the successful prosecution of a police officer.
Hogan-Howe knows that the everyday experience of black Londoners of stop and search has been the factor that has most corroded their trust and confidence in the police.
The use of stop and search in London has been massively scaled back in recent years from 500,000 stops in 2009-2010 to 250,000 in 2011-2012 without jeopardising the fall in the crime rate.
The Equality and Human Rights Commission says that conducting fewer, but better targeted, searches on the street has led to a rise in the rate of detections and arrests. It has concluded that this demonstrates there is no evidence that disproportionately targeting black and Asian people reduces crime.The Equality and Human Rights Commission says that conducting fewer, but better targeted, searches on the street has led to a rise in the rate of detections and arrests. It has concluded that this demonstrates there is no evidence that disproportionately targeting black and Asian people reduces crime.
The home secretary, Theresa May, has made clear that she believes the improper and unfair use of stop and search has the potential to cause immense resentment and generate distrust of the police. "Public confidence in the police cannot be maintained … if, on the street, your constables are being rude and disrespectful to the public," she has told police leaders. The home secretary, Theresa May, has made clear that she believes the improper and unfair use of stop and search has the potential to cause immense resentment and distrust of the police. "Public confidence in the police cannot be maintained … if, on the street, your constables are being rude and disrespectful to the public," she has told police leaders.
Body-worn cameras are a start but there will have to be many more steps to dispel the perception that the police excessively target black people.Body-worn cameras are a start but there will have to be many more steps to dispel the perception that the police excessively target black people.
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