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| What women want: integrating gender into statebuilding | |
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| Promoting women's full participation in statebuilding is a matter of gender equality and human rights. It's also critical for the achievement of sustainable peace and development, as is being shown by a growing body of evidence and international opinion. | Promoting women's full participation in statebuilding is a matter of gender equality and human rights. It's also critical for the achievement of sustainable peace and development, as is being shown by a growing body of evidence and international opinion. |
| But existing guidance for donors working on statebuilding tends to lack advice on how to integrate women's experiences, support women's participation, and seize opportunities to promote gender equality. | But existing guidance for donors working on statebuilding tends to lack advice on how to integrate women's experiences, support women's participation, and seize opportunities to promote gender equality. |
| Over the past two years the OECD-Dac International Network on Conflict and Fragility has worked to address this gap through in-depth review of existing literature with International Alert, GIZ-funded field research in Nepal and South Sudan and regular discussions with experts and practitioners. Developed with, and primarily for, statebuilding specialists, the research opened up a fresh perspective on gender relations during transition. | Over the past two years the OECD-Dac International Network on Conflict and Fragility has worked to address this gap through in-depth review of existing literature with International Alert, GIZ-funded field research in Nepal and South Sudan and regular discussions with experts and practitioners. Developed with, and primarily for, statebuilding specialists, the research opened up a fresh perspective on gender relations during transition. |
| Summarised in a new OECD report, the results challenge conventional ways of working on statebuilding, and suggest that donors need to recognise women's interests as central to the whole process and act on them in a more politically savvy way. This will involve thinking much harder about the long-term impacts of our actions and accepting that women's concerns are a priority that must be addressed right from the start. Overall the report spells out five key ingredients of success in integrating a gender perspective into donor support to statebuilding: | Summarised in a new OECD report, the results challenge conventional ways of working on statebuilding, and suggest that donors need to recognise women's interests as central to the whole process and act on them in a more politically savvy way. This will involve thinking much harder about the long-term impacts of our actions and accepting that women's concerns are a priority that must be addressed right from the start. Overall the report spells out five key ingredients of success in integrating a gender perspective into donor support to statebuilding: |
| Understand the local context | Understand the local context |
| It's important to recognise the ways in which gender inequalities are tied up with wider political issues. This can be particularly useful in dealing with resistance to gender-related reforms, which may not primarily be driven by objections to women's rights as such. | It's important to recognise the ways in which gender inequalities are tied up with wider political issues. This can be particularly useful in dealing with resistance to gender-related reforms, which may not primarily be driven by objections to women's rights as such. |
| In Burundi, for example, OECD research found that government opposition to a draft bill on women's inheritance rights was based on elite concern that dividing patrimonial land between sons and daughters would further increase existing land pressure, which in turn could risk causing insecurity. Understanding these links is key in navigating barriers to women's rights. | In Burundi, for example, OECD research found that government opposition to a draft bill on women's inheritance rights was based on elite concern that dividing patrimonial land between sons and daughters would further increase existing land pressure, which in turn could risk causing insecurity. Understanding these links is key in navigating barriers to women's rights. |
| Recognise that change takes a long time | Recognise that change takes a long time |
| In practice this means combining strategies to seize whatever opportunities exist to advance women's rights in the short term with longer-term and more indirect approaches. | In practice this means combining strategies to seize whatever opportunities exist to advance women's rights in the short term with longer-term and more indirect approaches. |
| Gender-sensitive governance for example requires more than 'adding women' to political institutions through direct, short-term strategies like quotas and training for female candidates, although these can be an important starting point. As female politicians in Guatemala, Kosovo and Burundi recently confirmed, a range of informal power relationships such as patronage networks and male-dominated political cultures continue to prevent women from exercising real influence once in office. | Gender-sensitive governance for example requires more than 'adding women' to political institutions through direct, short-term strategies like quotas and training for female candidates, although these can be an important starting point. As female politicians in Guatemala, Kosovo and Burundi recently confirmed, a range of informal power relationships such as patronage networks and male-dominated political cultures continue to prevent women from exercising real influence once in office. |
| Such barriers call for more long-term and indirect approaches. These could include sensitising male leaders to the benefits of women's political participation or supporting women to act effectively once elected, for example by helping them develop skills in building networks or generating pressure on male leaders through strategic links with civil society. | Such barriers call for more long-term and indirect approaches. These could include sensitising male leaders to the benefits of women's political participation or supporting women to act effectively once elected, for example by helping them develop skills in building networks or generating pressure on male leaders through strategic links with civil society. |
| Support women's mobilisation at different levels and for different purposes | Support women's mobilisation at different levels and for different purposes |
| This includes assisting women's mobilisation to engage in national and local politics and peacebuilding processes. In this context it is important to keep in mind that women tend to be split along the same ideological, ethnic or religious lines as the rest of political society. | This includes assisting women's mobilisation to engage in national and local politics and peacebuilding processes. In this context it is important to keep in mind that women tend to be split along the same ideological, ethnic or religious lines as the rest of political society. |
| In Nepal for example a diverse women's movement has been in the making since the 1990s, with Dalit women focusing on caste discriminations, Madhesi women on exclusion along the lines of class, language and specific customary practices, and Janajati women prioritising access to education, health and employment. | In Nepal for example a diverse women's movement has been in the making since the 1990s, with Dalit women focusing on caste discriminations, Madhesi women on exclusion along the lines of class, language and specific customary practices, and Janajati women prioritising access to education, health and employment. |
| Such diversity means that there is often no such thing as a single women's agenda and donors need to take care not to undercut any set of voices. How we support their mobilisation in different areas is therefore critical. Donors can, for example, help women aggregate their demands by facilitating coalition building among and between women's NGOs and other allies, and by supporting their efforts to set shared priorities. | Such diversity means that there is often no such thing as a single women's agenda and donors need to take care not to undercut any set of voices. How we support their mobilisation in different areas is therefore critical. Donors can, for example, help women aggregate their demands by facilitating coalition building among and between women's NGOs and other allies, and by supporting their efforts to set shared priorities. |
| Engage with a wider range of powerful actors | Engage with a wider range of powerful actors |
| While supporting women's mobilisation is critical, real change also requires engaging with key power-holders such as traditional, religious and community leaders, and convincing them to create space for women's participation and greater gender equality. Donors can facilitate wider coalitions by helping to reduce these actors' perceptions of threats associated with gender-equality reforms, such as perceived risks to their individual power or the influence of their institutions. | While supporting women's mobilisation is critical, real change also requires engaging with key power-holders such as traditional, religious and community leaders, and convincing them to create space for women's participation and greater gender equality. Donors can facilitate wider coalitions by helping to reduce these actors' perceptions of threats associated with gender-equality reforms, such as perceived risks to their individual power or the influence of their institutions. |
| This can be done by drawing on South-South contacts with relevant experience. For example, donors can help bring together politicians with male and female colleagues from countries in the region, which have already passed gender-equality related reforms. | This can be done by drawing on South-South contacts with relevant experience. For example, donors can help bring together politicians with male and female colleagues from countries in the region, which have already passed gender-equality related reforms. |
| Another approach is to frame gender issues so that they appeal to the particular incentives of key actors. This could involve highlighting the links between gender equality and economic growth, for example. In the case of the Burundi government's concern that women's inheritance rights would create land pressure which could cause conflict, it could mean pointing out that land rights contribute to women's economic empowerment, which has been shown to bring down fertility levels, thereby reducing the population pressures as well as the poverty that fuel insecurity. | Another approach is to frame gender issues so that they appeal to the particular incentives of key actors. This could involve highlighting the links between gender equality and economic growth, for example. In the case of the Burundi government's concern that women's inheritance rights would create land pressure which could cause conflict, it could mean pointing out that land rights contribute to women's economic empowerment, which has been shown to bring down fertility levels, thereby reducing the population pressures as well as the poverty that fuel insecurity. |
| Use political influence and senior-level commitment in the early stages of post-conflict statebuilding | Use political influence and senior-level commitment in the early stages of post-conflict statebuilding |
| These moments can reshape institutions, power relations and links between states and citizens. They can therefore also offer openings to build states that respond to women's needs and priorities. | These moments can reshape institutions, power relations and links between states and citizens. They can therefore also offer openings to build states that respond to women's needs and priorities. |
| Donors can seize the opportunities, for example, by supporting women's participation in post-conflict constitution-making processes. This may involve direct support through high-level dialogue and political influence, indirect support through assistance for local initiatives advocating women's inclusion, or training for female representatives. Gender-sensitive provisions that women's representation may help achieve will not directly translate into real change. But they will set the limits within which local coalitions can mobilise to make women's rights a reality in the long term. | Donors can seize the opportunities, for example, by supporting women's participation in post-conflict constitution-making processes. This may involve direct support through high-level dialogue and political influence, indirect support through assistance for local initiatives advocating women's inclusion, or training for female representatives. Gender-sensitive provisions that women's representation may help achieve will not directly translate into real change. But they will set the limits within which local coalitions can mobilise to make women's rights a reality in the long term. |
| Diana Koester is an associate member of the governance for development and peace (G4DP) team at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Follow OECD on Twitter at @OECD | Diana Koester is an associate member of the governance for development and peace (G4DP) team at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Follow OECD on Twitter at @OECD |
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