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| Andrews proposed 646 bills, passed 0: worst record of past 20 years | Andrews proposed 646 bills, passed 0: worst record of past 20 years |
| (35 minutes later) | |
| In his 23 years in Congress, Rep. Robert Andrews (D-N.J.) has written 646 different pieces of legislation. That is a vast array of bills, covering a vast number of subjects — children’s pajamas, relations with Taiwan, commemorative coins and trade duties on licorice. | |
| But all of Andrews’s bills had one thing in common. | But all of Andrews’s bills had one thing in common. |
| They didn’t become law. | They didn’t become law. |
| In all, only four of Andrews’s hundreds of bills have ever passed the House of Representatives. But none of them passed the Senate. So none made it to the president’s desk. | In all, only four of Andrews’s hundreds of bills have ever passed the House of Representatives. But none of them passed the Senate. So none made it to the president’s desk. |
| Even in Congress — where the vast majority of bills fail — that is an unusually awful batting average. By those numbers, Andrews would be America’s least successful lawmaker of the past two decades. | Even in Congress — where the vast majority of bills fail — that is an unusually awful batting average. By those numbers, Andrews would be America’s least successful lawmaker of the past two decades. |
| Andrews, 56, said Tuesday that he would resign in two weeks, taking a position at the law firm Dilworth Paxson. In an interview Tuesday afternoon, he insisted that these statistics don’t capture his true impact on Congress. | Andrews, 56, said Tuesday that he would resign in two weeks, taking a position at the law firm Dilworth Paxson. In an interview Tuesday afternoon, he insisted that these statistics don’t capture his true impact on Congress. |
| The reason, he said, is that the classic idea of how lawmaking works — an idea becomes a bill, the bill gets a debate, and the debate ends with a vote — does not mean much on today’s Capitol Hill. | The reason, he said, is that the classic idea of how lawmaking works — an idea becomes a bill, the bill gets a debate, and the debate ends with a vote — does not mean much on today’s Capitol Hill. |
| “‘I’m Just a Bill on Capitol Hill’ is not the way this works. Freestanding bills almost never happen,” referencing the “Schoolhouse Rock” cartoon about how a bill sings and dances its way through Congress. | “‘I’m Just a Bill on Capitol Hill’ is not the way this works. Freestanding bills almost never happen,” referencing the “Schoolhouse Rock” cartoon about how a bill sings and dances its way through Congress. |
| Instead, lawmaking is now done through massive pieces of legislation, crammed full of ideas that might have little to do with one another. What looks like failure, Andrews said, is his success at working the new system. | Instead, lawmaking is now done through massive pieces of legislation, crammed full of ideas that might have little to do with one another. What looks like failure, Andrews said, is his success at working the new system. |
| “You should ask yourself how many of the ideas that were a seed planted in the bill that germinated in a larger bill. That’s the way this really works,” Andrews said. In all, he estimated, about 110 of his ideas have been enacted into law after being stuck into somebody else’s bill. | “You should ask yourself how many of the ideas that were a seed planted in the bill that germinated in a larger bill. That’s the way this really works,” Andrews said. In all, he estimated, about 110 of his ideas have been enacted into law after being stuck into somebody else’s bill. |
| Andrews has spent the last two decades as a semi-liberal back-bencher, with no real leadership roles in the House. Andrews’s legislative clout was reduced sharply when Republicans took the House in 2011, and also by lingering allegations that he used campaign funds to pay for personal and family trips. | Andrews has spent the last two decades as a semi-liberal back-bencher, with no real leadership roles in the House. Andrews’s legislative clout was reduced sharply when Republicans took the House in 2011, and also by lingering allegations that he used campaign funds to pay for personal and family trips. |
| But a look at Andrews’s bills shows that his lawmaking ambitions have been enormous, even when his power was not. | But a look at Andrews’s bills shows that his lawmaking ambitions have been enormous, even when his power was not. |
| Since Andrews arrived in Congress, no other representative has introduced more bills. In second place is Rep. Carolyn Maloney (D-N.Y.), then Rep. Don Young (R-Alaska), then Rep. Charles B. Rangel (D-N.Y.), then former Rep. Ron Paul (R-Tex.). | Since Andrews arrived in Congress, no other representative has introduced more bills. In second place is Rep. Carolyn Maloney (D-N.Y.), then Rep. Don Young (R-Alaska), then Rep. Charles B. Rangel (D-N.Y.), then former Rep. Ron Paul (R-Tex.). |
| But all of those other lawmakers have at least managed to pass something into law, sometime in their career. Maloney has had nine bills signed into law. Young has had 76. Rangel has had 38. And even Paul had one, a small bill to convey a piece of federal property in Galveston, Tex. | But all of those other lawmakers have at least managed to pass something into law, sometime in their career. Maloney has had nine bills signed into law. Young has had 76. Rangel has had 38. And even Paul had one, a small bill to convey a piece of federal property in Galveston, Tex. |
| Andrews, by contrast, has not even managed to name a courthouse or a post office — the moves that are the three-foot putt of the legislative process. | Andrews, by contrast, has not even managed to name a courthouse or a post office — the moves that are the three-foot putt of the legislative process. |
| Instead, he has focused on a variety of different topics. He has introduced 11 bills related to Taiwan, often seeking to show U.S. support for that country in its disputes with the People’s Republic of China. He has sponsored five bills to mint a commemorative coin in honor of Korean immigrants. And he has introduced at least 30 bills that would lower duties on chemicals used in manufacturing — everything from licorice extract to Methoxycarbonyl-terminated perfluorinated polyoxymethylene-polyoxyethylene. | Instead, he has focused on a variety of different topics. He has introduced 11 bills related to Taiwan, often seeking to show U.S. support for that country in its disputes with the People’s Republic of China. He has sponsored five bills to mint a commemorative coin in honor of Korean immigrants. And he has introduced at least 30 bills that would lower duties on chemicals used in manufacturing — everything from licorice extract to Methoxycarbonyl-terminated perfluorinated polyoxymethylene-polyoxyethylene. |
| And he struck out every time. | And he struck out every time. |
| At least, on paper. | At least, on paper. |
| “People think...well, you introduce a bill, and then you walk around and try to get people to co-sponsor it,” and then it passes, Andrews said. “You know, that happens about as often as a black swan.” | “People think...well, you introduce a bill, and then you walk around and try to get people to co-sponsor it,” and then it passes, Andrews said. “You know, that happens about as often as a black swan.” |
| Instead, Andrews says, he introduces bills so he has legislative language ready and waiting for an opening. That opening, usually, is what Hill staffers call a “moving vehicle” — a giant piece of legislation that, unlike most of Congress’s inert bills, actually has a chance of passage. | Instead, Andrews says, he introduces bills so he has legislative language ready and waiting for an opening. That opening, usually, is what Hill staffers call a “moving vehicle” — a giant piece of legislation that, unlike most of Congress’s inert bills, actually has a chance of passage. |
| “What happens in 90 percent of the [cases] is that certain bills move because they have to,” Andrews said. They “have to,” often because some important deadline is about to expire. “And those bills carry with them hundreds of ideas, or thousands of ideas that people have worked on over the years.” | “What happens in 90 percent of the [cases] is that certain bills move because they have to,” Andrews said. They “have to,” often because some important deadline is about to expire. “And those bills carry with them hundreds of ideas, or thousands of ideas that people have worked on over the years.” |
| Andrews said he’s learned how to get his ideas on board, by stockpiling legislative language that can be easily picked up and inserted into larger legislation. | Andrews said he’s learned how to get his ideas on board, by stockpiling legislative language that can be easily picked up and inserted into larger legislation. |
| As evidence of his success, he cited changes to the military health-care program TRICARE, and rules about insurance coverage of orthotic devices. Some other ideas have changed government policy, without being passed in any form: in 2012, Andrews trumpeted a decision by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to require prompt decisions on short sales. Andrews’s actual bill to require that change had died on Capitol Hill. | As evidence of his success, he cited changes to the military health-care program TRICARE, and rules about insurance coverage of orthotic devices. Some other ideas have changed government policy, without being passed in any form: in 2012, Andrews trumpeted a decision by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac to require prompt decisions on short sales. Andrews’s actual bill to require that change had died on Capitol Hill. |