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Dislodging the Heirs of Mandela Dislodging the Heirs of Mandela
(7 months later)
Johannesburg — One of the main items on South Africa’s agenda after the death of Nelson Mandela is how the African National Congress, the party to which he devoted his political life and which drew on his moral stature to buttress its legitimacy, will fare in elections due to be held within months. Johannesburg — One of the main items on South Africa’s agenda after the death of Nelson Mandela is how the African National Congress, the party to which he devoted his political life and which drew on his moral stature to buttress its legitimacy, will fare in elections due to be held within months.
But the question could also be reversed: Who will dislodge Mr. Mandela’s heirs from high office after almost 20 years entrenched in positions of power that the A.N.C. has come to expect and enjoy?But the question could also be reversed: Who will dislodge Mr. Mandela’s heirs from high office after almost 20 years entrenched in positions of power that the A.N.C. has come to expect and enjoy?
Events this week suggested that the field of potential challengers — never broad — had narrowed further, burdened by a political calculus that prompted the author Zama Ndlovu to speak of “the resilient racial domination that still plagues our society.”Events this week suggested that the field of potential challengers — never broad — had narrowed further, burdened by a political calculus that prompted the author Zama Ndlovu to speak of “the resilient racial domination that still plagues our society.”
On Monday, executors released a summary of Mr. Mandela’s will, a testament that his lawyer and personal friend George Bizos described as showing unselfishness toward his family, his third wife, Graça Machel, and the A.N.C. itself. The summary showed no direct bequest, however, to Mr. Mandela’s divorced second wife, Winnie Madikizela Mandela.On Monday, executors released a summary of Mr. Mandela’s will, a testament that his lawyer and personal friend George Bizos described as showing unselfishness toward his family, his third wife, Graça Machel, and the A.N.C. itself. The summary showed no direct bequest, however, to Mr. Mandela’s divorced second wife, Winnie Madikizela Mandela.
Their daughter Zindzi said later that her mother did not expect to benefit. But the story of her exclusion dominated newspapers with a mainly black readership, almost eclipsing the day’s other big news — the rapid breakup of a political merger between the Democratic Alliance, which has a traditionally white and mixed-race power base, and the troubled Agang S.A. grouping led by Mamphela Ramphele, an antiapartheid campaigner and former partner of Steve Biko.Their daughter Zindzi said later that her mother did not expect to benefit. But the story of her exclusion dominated newspapers with a mainly black readership, almost eclipsing the day’s other big news — the rapid breakup of a political merger between the Democratic Alliance, which has a traditionally white and mixed-race power base, and the troubled Agang S.A. grouping led by Mamphela Ramphele, an antiapartheid campaigner and former partner of Steve Biko.
The architects of the alliance hoped it would bond Ms. Ramphele’s credentials onto the Democratic Alliance, the biggest opposition group in Parliament. Instead, its failure cast doubt over the stature of both leaders, reinforcing a sense that the widening fissures in opposition ranks had weakened its chances of clawing away some of the A.N.C.’s support.The architects of the alliance hoped it would bond Ms. Ramphele’s credentials onto the Democratic Alliance, the biggest opposition group in Parliament. Instead, its failure cast doubt over the stature of both leaders, reinforcing a sense that the widening fissures in opposition ranks had weakened its chances of clawing away some of the A.N.C.’s support.
“We are back to where we started: faced with a ruling party that has let us down, with no opposition strong enough to challenge them,” the columnist Verashni Pillay wrote in the Mail and Guardian.“We are back to where we started: faced with a ruling party that has let us down, with no opposition strong enough to challenge them,” the columnist Verashni Pillay wrote in the Mail and Guardian.
Helen Zille, the leader of the Democratic Alliance, and Ms. Ramphele blamed each other for the debacle, and there was much talk of tactical miscalculation, haste and ego mixed into the mutual recriminations.Helen Zille, the leader of the Democratic Alliance, and Ms. Ramphele blamed each other for the debacle, and there was much talk of tactical miscalculation, haste and ego mixed into the mutual recriminations.
But, just as much, the causes lay in the enduring racial arithmetic that once underpinned apartheid. “We can’t say race doesn’t matter and is irrelevant,” Ms. Zille acknowledged, looking back ruefully on her dashed hopes for an alliance to transcend her party’s demographic limits.But, just as much, the causes lay in the enduring racial arithmetic that once underpinned apartheid. “We can’t say race doesn’t matter and is irrelevant,” Ms. Zille acknowledged, looking back ruefully on her dashed hopes for an alliance to transcend her party’s demographic limits.
Ms. Ramphele suggested that her desire “to offer citizens something other than the status quo” had been thwarted by the obstacles facing Ms. Zille’s efforts to broaden her party’s base appeal beyond its fief in the Western Cape.Ms. Ramphele suggested that her desire “to offer citizens something other than the status quo” had been thwarted by the obstacles facing Ms. Zille’s efforts to broaden her party’s base appeal beyond its fief in the Western Cape.
“There are millions of South Africans who will never vote for” the Democratic Alliance, Ms. Ramphele said, “but they want a home.”“There are millions of South Africans who will never vote for” the Democratic Alliance, Ms. Ramphele said, “but they want a home.”
Given South Africa’s history, racial reflexes are no surprise.Given South Africa’s history, racial reflexes are no surprise.
But it is ironic that the enduring distinctions should effectively shield the avowedly nonracial A.N.C. from even the most modest challenge. Millions of South Africans are trapped by joblessness and poverty in hardscrabble townships where schooling is poor and prospects recede. But the A.N.C.’s promises of betterment have become mired in critics’ accusations of corruption, mismanagement and elitism.But it is ironic that the enduring distinctions should effectively shield the avowedly nonracial A.N.C. from even the most modest challenge. Millions of South Africans are trapped by joblessness and poverty in hardscrabble townships where schooling is poor and prospects recede. But the A.N.C.’s promises of betterment have become mired in critics’ accusations of corruption, mismanagement and elitism.
If there is one contender to tap this reservoir of despair it is Julius Malema, a firebrand and maverick who seeks to build a constituency among disaffected urban blacks on radical policies that whites — and middle-class blacks — perceive as threatening.If there is one contender to tap this reservoir of despair it is Julius Malema, a firebrand and maverick who seeks to build a constituency among disaffected urban blacks on radical policies that whites — and middle-class blacks — perceive as threatening.
When Ms. Ramphele seemed at first to accept the pact with Ms. Zille — six days before it collapsed — she declared that their example meant that “we are taking away that race card and putting it in the dustbin.” With hindsight, the card seems to have been harder to discard than she imagined.When Ms. Ramphele seemed at first to accept the pact with Ms. Zille — six days before it collapsed — she declared that their example meant that “we are taking away that race card and putting it in the dustbin.” With hindsight, the card seems to have been harder to discard than she imagined.