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| In Egypt, a Chasm Grows Between Young and Old | In Egypt, a Chasm Grows Between Young and Old |
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| CAIRO — Shady el-Ghazaly Harb says he has given up trying to help the military-backed government address its worries about losing the support of young Egyptians. | CAIRO — Shady el-Ghazaly Harb says he has given up trying to help the military-backed government address its worries about losing the support of young Egyptians. |
| After attending three meetings about the issue at the presidential palace in recent weeks, Mr. Ghazaly Harb, a 35-year-old political organizer, rejected the latest invitation because, he said, the authorities have not heeded advice to stop arresting so many young people, or at least to alleviate the grim conditions in the jails where they are held. Instead, the police arrested scores more, including friends of his who were involved in organizing the Arab Spring uprising here. | After attending three meetings about the issue at the presidential palace in recent weeks, Mr. Ghazaly Harb, a 35-year-old political organizer, rejected the latest invitation because, he said, the authorities have not heeded advice to stop arresting so many young people, or at least to alleviate the grim conditions in the jails where they are held. Instead, the police arrested scores more, including friends of his who were involved in organizing the Arab Spring uprising here. |
| “A lot of youth groups are saying, ‘We cannot come and sit with you like this while our colleagues are behind bars — we cannot find this ethical,’ ” said Mr. Ghazaly Harb, who played a prominent role in the 2011 uprising against the rule of President Hosni Mubarak and then campaigned for the removal of Mr. Mubarak’s Islamist successor, Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood. | “A lot of youth groups are saying, ‘We cannot come and sit with you like this while our colleagues are behind bars — we cannot find this ethical,’ ” said Mr. Ghazaly Harb, who played a prominent role in the 2011 uprising against the rule of President Hosni Mubarak and then campaigned for the removal of Mr. Mubarak’s Islamist successor, Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood. |
| A growing number of young Egyptians say the government’s heavy-handed crackdown on any opposition is widening a generation gap, which poses a longer-term threat to stability. | A growing number of young Egyptians say the government’s heavy-handed crackdown on any opposition is widening a generation gap, which poses a longer-term threat to stability. |
| Three out of four Egyptians are under 40, and more than two out of three are under 35. With the government’s most important leader, Field Marshal Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi, retracing the 60-year-old footsteps of former President Gamal Abdel Nasser — even flying to Moscow last week to try to restart arms deals that were last seen at the height of the Cold War — young bloggers and activists are complaining that they feel caught in a time warp. | Three out of four Egyptians are under 40, and more than two out of three are under 35. With the government’s most important leader, Field Marshal Abdul-Fattah el-Sisi, retracing the 60-year-old footsteps of former President Gamal Abdel Nasser — even flying to Moscow last week to try to restart arms deals that were last seen at the height of the Cold War — young bloggers and activists are complaining that they feel caught in a time warp. |
| They are lashing out at their parents’ whole generation, which presided over three decades of economic, cultural and political stagnation and now seems to be repudiating the 2011 uprising for interrupting that stasis. | |
| “Egypt is facing the tragedy of an entire generation incapable and unqualified to deal with their plight,” Mahmoud Salem, a 32-year-old blogger known as Sandmonkey, wrote last month in a widely circulated post. | “Egypt is facing the tragedy of an entire generation incapable and unqualified to deal with their plight,” Mahmoud Salem, a 32-year-old blogger known as Sandmonkey, wrote last month in a widely circulated post. |
| Even Egyptian popular culture is stuck in a decades-old rut, he argued: People are still laughing at the clownish comedian Adel Imam, now 73; still listening to the pop heartthrob Amr Diab, now 53; and still admiring retouched magazine photographs of the glamorous actress Yousra, now 58. | Even Egyptian popular culture is stuck in a decades-old rut, he argued: People are still laughing at the clownish comedian Adel Imam, now 73; still listening to the pop heartthrob Amr Diab, now 53; and still admiring retouched magazine photographs of the glamorous actress Yousra, now 58. |
| “The very idea of ‘Islamic rule’ and even ‘military coups’ are from the 1980s,” he wrote, calling the current establishment “a generation holding on to the 1980s as tenaciously as a playboy holds on to his youth.” | “The very idea of ‘Islamic rule’ and even ‘military coups’ are from the 1980s,” he wrote, calling the current establishment “a generation holding on to the 1980s as tenaciously as a playboy holds on to his youth.” |
| The frustrations of young Egyptians propelled the protests that led to the ousters of Mr. Mubarak in 2011 and Mr. Morsi in 2013. Their disaffection came into focus last month when young voters were conspicuously absent from a referendum on a revised constitution. | The frustrations of young Egyptians propelled the protests that led to the ousters of Mr. Mubarak in 2011 and Mr. Morsi in 2013. Their disaffection came into focus last month when young voters were conspicuously absent from a referendum on a revised constitution. |
| The referendum, presented as a show of support for the military takeover, was the first time in a half-dozen national votes over the last three years that young voters did not flood to the polls. Their low turnout set off a public debate about their disaffection, even as the police continued to use deadly force in crackdowns against young people — Islamists, liberals or left-leaning — for staging anti-government protests. Sixty-two protesters were killed in clashes with security forces on Jan. 25, the third anniversary of the 2011 uprising, while a mostly older crowd gathered in Tahrir Square to celebrate Field Marshal Sisi, who is 59. | The referendum, presented as a show of support for the military takeover, was the first time in a half-dozen national votes over the last three years that young voters did not flood to the polls. Their low turnout set off a public debate about their disaffection, even as the police continued to use deadly force in crackdowns against young people — Islamists, liberals or left-leaning — for staging anti-government protests. Sixty-two protesters were killed in clashes with security forces on Jan. 25, the third anniversary of the 2011 uprising, while a mostly older crowd gathered in Tahrir Square to celebrate Field Marshal Sisi, who is 59. |
| “Gray hairs in the queues, black hairs in the graves,” is the epigram making the rounds among both liberal and Islamist activists, contrasting the referendum voters supporting the new government installed by Field Marshal Sisi with the protesters opposing it. | “Gray hairs in the queues, black hairs in the graves,” is the epigram making the rounds among both liberal and Islamist activists, contrasting the referendum voters supporting the new government installed by Field Marshal Sisi with the protesters opposing it. |
| “Youth make up the majority, but the elders are still in control of everything,” Alaa al-Aswany, 56, a novelist and critic who is supportive of the military takeover, warned last week in a column urging the government to listen to the young. For three years, he wrote, “their elders” mocked the youth “and then realized they were right when it was too late.” | “Youth make up the majority, but the elders are still in control of everything,” Alaa al-Aswany, 56, a novelist and critic who is supportive of the military takeover, warned last week in a column urging the government to listen to the young. For three years, he wrote, “their elders” mocked the youth “and then realized they were right when it was too late.” |
| In an interview, Khaled Abdel-Aziz, the 55-year-old minister of youth, argued that the Egyptian news media had overstated the trend. He blamed Islamists trying to rekindle their protests, new political forces who fear a return of the old Mubarak elite and young politicians seeking positions or influence in the new government. | In an interview, Khaled Abdel-Aziz, the 55-year-old minister of youth, argued that the Egyptian news media had overstated the trend. He blamed Islamists trying to rekindle their protests, new political forces who fear a return of the old Mubarak elite and young politicians seeking positions or influence in the new government. |
| “It was exaggerated, until it became a subject addressed by everyone who works in the media,” he said. | “It was exaggerated, until it became a subject addressed by everyone who works in the media,” he said. |
| Even so, top government officials made it clear that they were concerned during several meetings with young activists. “The referendum was an alarm bell for them,” said Mr. Ghazaly Harb, whose three meetings on the subject included one with the interim president, Adly Mansour, who is 68. “They say there is a gap between the current regime and the youth, and they want to understand why is there this gap, and how to get over it,” he said. | Even so, top government officials made it clear that they were concerned during several meetings with young activists. “The referendum was an alarm bell for them,” said Mr. Ghazaly Harb, whose three meetings on the subject included one with the interim president, Adly Mansour, who is 68. “They say there is a gap between the current regime and the youth, and they want to understand why is there this gap, and how to get over it,” he said. |
| Mr. Mansour specifically asked the youth leaders in the meeting, “Where is the problem, and what is the reason the youth were absent like that?” said Susan Herfy, 39, of the Justice Party. | Mr. Mansour specifically asked the youth leaders in the meeting, “Where is the problem, and what is the reason the youth were absent like that?” said Susan Herfy, 39, of the Justice Party. |
| Younger Egyptians say they grew up hearing advice from their parents to keep their mouths shut and avoid challenging their leaders: “Cowardice is the master of morals,” they would say, or “walk by the wall” to avoid attention. | Younger Egyptians say they grew up hearing advice from their parents to keep their mouths shut and avoid challenging their leaders: “Cowardice is the master of morals,” they would say, or “walk by the wall” to avoid attention. |
| But starting about 10 years ago, members of the younger generation in Egypt began to rebel against the stultifying stability of Mr. Mubarak’s 30-year rule. They found new ways to express themselves through the Internet, thronged to the “Kifaya” movement against Mr. Mubarak’s monopoly on power and formed their own grass-roots organizations, like the April 6 Youth Movement. | But starting about 10 years ago, members of the younger generation in Egypt began to rebel against the stultifying stability of Mr. Mubarak’s 30-year rule. They found new ways to express themselves through the Internet, thronged to the “Kifaya” movement against Mr. Mubarak’s monopoly on power and formed their own grass-roots organizations, like the April 6 Youth Movement. |
| Many saw the Tahrir Square sit-in of 2011 as their generation’s Woodstock, and the overthrow of Mr. Mubarak as their mark on history. “It was a struggle against our parents,” said Mina Fayek, an activist and a blogger. “We used to joke it was easier to stand in front of tanks and bullets than to convince your parents to let you go to Tahrir Square to protest.” | Many saw the Tahrir Square sit-in of 2011 as their generation’s Woodstock, and the overthrow of Mr. Mubarak as their mark on history. “It was a struggle against our parents,” said Mina Fayek, an activist and a blogger. “We used to joke it was easier to stand in front of tanks and bullets than to convince your parents to let you go to Tahrir Square to protest.” |
| In his column, Mr. Aswany marveled that “a generation of youth emerged that was like a mutation.” | In his column, Mr. Aswany marveled that “a generation of youth emerged that was like a mutation.” |
| “Fathers who feared entering police stations gave birth to children whom we saw stand without flinching or retreating in front of armored vehicles shooting them,” he wrote. | “Fathers who feared entering police stations gave birth to children whom we saw stand without flinching or retreating in front of armored vehicles shooting them,” he wrote. |
| Supporters of the 2013 military takeover, though, have often smeared the young activists as a “fifth column” conspiring with foreign powers to undermine security or provide cover to Islamist “terrorists.” | Supporters of the 2013 military takeover, though, have often smeared the young activists as a “fifth column” conspiring with foreign powers to undermine security or provide cover to Islamist “terrorists.” |
| “It is not a youth revolution, and it has never been a youth revolution,” Ibrahim Eissa, a 48-year-old pro-military talk show host, declared recently. Addressing an “excited young man who went to a protest and calls himself a revolutionary,“ Mr. Eissa said: “You mistake chaos for revolution. You mistake destruction for revolution. You are an idiot who doesn’t understand!” | “It is not a youth revolution, and it has never been a youth revolution,” Ibrahim Eissa, a 48-year-old pro-military talk show host, declared recently. Addressing an “excited young man who went to a protest and calls himself a revolutionary,“ Mr. Eissa said: “You mistake chaos for revolution. You mistake destruction for revolution. You are an idiot who doesn’t understand!” |
| Several of the best-known youth leaders, including Alaa Abd el-Fattah, a pioneer dissident blogger, and Ahmed Maher, a founder of the April 6 group, are now behind bars. Critics like Mr. Eissa infuriate other young activists. | Several of the best-known youth leaders, including Alaa Abd el-Fattah, a pioneer dissident blogger, and Ahmed Maher, a founder of the April 6 group, are now behind bars. Critics like Mr. Eissa infuriate other young activists. |
| “Their generation was silent for 60 years, and when we have paid the price in blood for them to have the right to say something, they turn around and call us traitors,” said Ahmad Abd Allah, 34, a spokesman for the April 6 group. | “Their generation was silent for 60 years, and when we have paid the price in blood for them to have the right to say something, they turn around and call us traitors,” said Ahmad Abd Allah, 34, a spokesman for the April 6 group. |
| Islamists say that a generation gap is widening in the Muslim Brotherhood as well, with young members blaming their elders for bungling their chance to rule. Speaking on the condition of anonymity because they do not want to be seen breaking ranks in a time of crisis, several young Islamists with relatives in jail said President Morsi and his contemporaries bore the blame for exposing the Brotherhood to a bloody crackdown. | Islamists say that a generation gap is widening in the Muslim Brotherhood as well, with young members blaming their elders for bungling their chance to rule. Speaking on the condition of anonymity because they do not want to be seen breaking ranks in a time of crisis, several young Islamists with relatives in jail said President Morsi and his contemporaries bore the blame for exposing the Brotherhood to a bloody crackdown. |
| Mr. Morsi and the older generation were suspicious of non-Islamists, and sought to go it alone on a gradual “political path” that avoided direct confrontation with the institutions of the police state, said Hamza Sarawy, 22, a spokesman for the Brotherhood-sponsored Anti-Coup Alliance who worked in the Morsi administration. But younger Brotherhood members preferred “a revolutionary path” of collaborating with more liberal groups to take on the old institutions. “The youth of the Muslim Brotherhood has a different mind-set,” he said. | Mr. Morsi and the older generation were suspicious of non-Islamists, and sought to go it alone on a gradual “political path” that avoided direct confrontation with the institutions of the police state, said Hamza Sarawy, 22, a spokesman for the Brotherhood-sponsored Anti-Coup Alliance who worked in the Morsi administration. But younger Brotherhood members preferred “a revolutionary path” of collaborating with more liberal groups to take on the old institutions. “The youth of the Muslim Brotherhood has a different mind-set,” he said. |
| Mr. Abdel-Aziz, the youth minister, said the government was struggling to create some kind of committee or commission that could speak for young people. “It is good luck that the youth did not have much to do with the government over the last three years,” he said, because “it would have stigmatized them.” | Mr. Abdel-Aziz, the youth minister, said the government was struggling to create some kind of committee or commission that could speak for young people. “It is good luck that the youth did not have much to do with the government over the last three years,” he said, because “it would have stigmatized them.” |
| Mr. Salem, the blogger, suggested that given the country’s demographics, perhaps it should be the other way around. “Would you like to join the elderly committee?” he wrote. “It is a nice title, isn’t it? Like the youth committee.” | Mr. Salem, the blogger, suggested that given the country’s demographics, perhaps it should be the other way around. “Would you like to join the elderly committee?” he wrote. “It is a nice title, isn’t it? Like the youth committee.” |