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A leap forward for Iranian journalism nipped in the bud | A leap forward for Iranian journalism nipped in the bud |
(about 4 hours later) | |
In the inaugural issue of Aseman, a centrist daily newspaper launched | In the inaugural issue of Aseman, a centrist daily newspaper launched |
one week ago, the editors wondered at the political change that allowed | one week ago, the editors wondered at the political change that allowed |
such a newspaper to operate in Iran’s thorny media landscape. “A year | such a newspaper to operate in Iran’s thorny media landscape. “A year |
ago, no one would have thought it possible for us to become newspaper | ago, no one would have thought it possible for us to become newspaper |
journalists, and behold,” they wrote.Now, as Aseman’s publisher | journalists, and behold,” they wrote.Now, as Aseman’s publisher |
Abbas Bozorgmehr spends the 20-21 February Iranian weekend in Evin prison | |
following a revocation of the newspaper’s license, that transformation | following a revocation of the newspaper’s license, that transformation |
seems more toothless than its readers had imagined. Still, Aseman’s | seems more toothless than its readers had imagined. Still, Aseman’s |
short-lived existence presented the national print media market with a | short-lived existence presented the national print media market with a |
progressive journalistic model. Not only did Aseman help define the new | progressive journalistic model. Not only did Aseman help define the new |
line between “taboo” and “fit to print” within the ambivalent | line between “taboo” and “fit to print” within the ambivalent |
ideological constraints of the Islamic republic; it also introduced a | ideological constraints of the Islamic republic; it also introduced a |
balanced, visually friendly publication that catered to the Iranian | balanced, visually friendly publication that catered to the Iranian |
public’s hunger for in-depth news coverage and showed that, even after | public’s hunger for in-depth news coverage and showed that, even after |
eight years of systemic repression under President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, | eight years of systemic repression under President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, |
Iran’s beleaguered press still has the ability to produce high-quality | Iran’s beleaguered press still has the ability to produce high-quality |
journalism.Edited by respected journalist and political activist | journalism.Edited by respected journalist and political activist |
Mohammad Ghouchani, Aseman was independently funded but aligned itself | Mohammad Ghouchani, Aseman was independently funded but aligned itself |
with the moderate approach of centrist President Hassan Rouhani. The | with the moderate approach of centrist President Hassan Rouhani. The |
first issue included a lengthy op-ed by reformist politician Mohammad | first issue included a lengthy op-ed by reformist politician Mohammad |
Khatami, who expressed hopes that the newspaper would perpetuate the | Khatami, who expressed hopes that the newspaper would perpetuate the |
open, inclusive societal dialogue Khatami championed during his | open, inclusive societal dialogue Khatami championed during his |
1997-2005 presidential term.Catering to the middle-class, Aseman | 1997-2005 presidential term.Catering to the middle-class, Aseman |
differentiated itself from existing publications by covering a broad | differentiated itself from existing publications by covering a broad |
spectrum of political views without coming down in favour of any single | spectrum of political views without coming down in favour of any single |
political faction, a common practice among Iran’s partisan press. The | political faction, a common practice among Iran’s partisan press. The |
publication was originally founded as a weekly news magazine last year, | publication was originally founded as a weekly news magazine last year, |
and its editors transferred many of the original concepts to the 32-page | and its editors transferred many of the original concepts to the 32-page |
daily version. Printed in a compact tabloid format, the newspaper | daily version. Printed in a compact tabloid format, the newspaper |
looked more like the UK’s Independent or an American-style alternative | looked more like the UK’s Independent or an American-style alternative |
weekly than a pro-government daily newspaper from Iran, opting for | weekly than a pro-government daily newspaper from Iran, opting for |
magazine-style feature writing and strong visuals that move away from | magazine-style feature writing and strong visuals that move away from |
the traditional breaking news model whose function has been taken over | the traditional breaking news model whose function has been taken over |
by online news sources.This innovative approach made Aseman an | by online news sources.This innovative approach made Aseman an |
anomaly on Tehran’s newsstands, still occupied by bulky broadsheets like | anomaly on Tehran’s newsstands, still occupied by bulky broadsheets like |
the conservative daily Kayhan, whose form and content have not changed | the conservative daily Kayhan, whose form and content have not changed |
much since the post-revolutionary 1980s. Aseman was more centrist in | much since the post-revolutionary 1980s. Aseman was more centrist in |
tone than widely circulated leftist dailies like Shargh, which uses a | tone than widely circulated leftist dailies like Shargh, which uses a |
middle-of-the road format called Berliner, smaller than a broadsheet but | middle-of-the road format called Berliner, smaller than a broadsheet but |
larger than a tabloid. Statements and portraits of hardline | larger than a tabloid. Statements and portraits of hardline |
politicians, including Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, made regular appearances | politicians, including Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, made regular appearances |
on the front page, juxtaposed with long-form articles on touchy cultural | on the front page, juxtaposed with long-form articles on touchy cultural |
topics to create a sense of balance. The newspaper’s designers also | topics to create a sense of balance. The newspaper’s designers also |
made use of colourful graphics, info boxes and pull-out quotes to | made use of colourful graphics, info boxes and pull-out quotes to |
illustrate complex economic trends, provide quick-hit information and | illustrate complex economic trends, provide quick-hit information and |
portray a spectrum of views on a given hot-button sociopolitical topic.For | portray a spectrum of views on a given hot-button sociopolitical topic.For |
readers accustomed to the wordy, elitist language of Shargh, the dense | readers accustomed to the wordy, elitist language of Shargh, the dense |
writing of the business dailies, or the idealogical pontifications of | writing of the business dailies, or the idealogical pontifications of |
Kayhan, Aseman (which means “sky” in Farsi) was a breath of fresh air. | Kayhan, Aseman (which means “sky” in Farsi) was a breath of fresh air. |
Word of the newspaper’s inauguration spread quickly among Tehran | Word of the newspaper’s inauguration spread quickly among Tehran |
intelligentsia. On Tehran University campus, the issues flew off the | intelligentsia. On Tehran University campus, the issues flew off the |
newsstands. “I picked it up because I found it visually interesting - it’s | newsstands. “I picked it up because I found it visually interesting - it’s |
much smaller and more colourful,” a 29-year-old reader told Tehran | much smaller and more colourful,” a 29-year-old reader told Tehran |
Bureau. “It also has more depth and range of political opinions than | Bureau. “It also has more depth and range of political opinions than |
Shargh, which I usually read.” | Shargh, which I usually read.” |
The third issue, published 17 February, featured a front-page piece on the controversial publication of Mahmoud Dowlatabadi’s novel The Colonel, a dark and bloody portrayal of the 1979 Iranian revolution that had been banned in Iran for five years. The article quotes the author as well as a spokesman from the ministry of culture, and goes on to suggest that The Colonel had been a political hot potato for years, tossed around by authorities unwilling to bear the political consequences of its publication. It also indicates that the ban’s principal target was not Dowlatabadi himself, but his Tehran-based publishing house Nashr-e Cheshme.Another cover story, on 19 February, came in the form of a question-and-answer interview with oil minister Bijan Zanganeh regarding the prosecution of jailed businessman Babak Zanjani, accused of defrauding the Iranian government of $2.7 billion while brokering an energy deal. Aseman weighed the oil minister’s arguments against the statements of Zanjani’s defence (which claims he only owes the government $1.3 million), supplementing the article with an info graphic detailing Zanjani’s vast assets (several luxury hotels and banks in two central Asian countries).Compared with the plethora of bristly subjects covered by the newspaper in the course of one week, the text that caused Aseman’s shutdown was relatively obscure. The incriminating article is hidden in the back pages of the 18 February issue, which opens with an explosive cover story on Rastakhiz (Judgment Day), a new film that has rankled the clergy because it features an actor in the role of Abul Fazl al-Abbas, a sacred figure whose image is not typically permitted to be shown according to Shia scripture. Aseman illustrated the story with a large screen shot from the film depicting the blood-stained face of the actor in the role of Abul Fazl. However, the article authorities took issue with was not about Rastakhiz, but a run-of-the-mill reunion of former classmates who studied political science in the 1980s. Recalling personal memories from the era, one class member recalls a former professor he had not seen in 30 years. By way of passing, he mentions that the last time he saw the professor was during a discussion on the ethics of retributive justice as it relates to capital punishment.While rescinded by Aseman’s editor Ghouchani, who said the statement was published due to a technical error, this lone sentence questioning Islamic legal principles has met with a fiery response in the conservative press. One of the more radical reactions came from Tehran University professor Mohammad Sadegh Kooshki, who according to the news agency Mashregh accused Aseman’s editors of heresy - a crime that, according to local law, is punishable by death.Despite the swift reaction from hardliners, the current mood among journalists in Iran suggests that it is too soon for a requiem for press freedom. The media landscape is full of seasoned professionals who are determined to make the best of the political opening the Rouhani administration proclaims to offer. As one veteran journalist who has been to Evin recently told Tehran Bureau, “Now is not the time to be giving up.” | The third issue, published 17 February, featured a front-page piece on the controversial publication of Mahmoud Dowlatabadi’s novel The Colonel, a dark and bloody portrayal of the 1979 Iranian revolution that had been banned in Iran for five years. The article quotes the author as well as a spokesman from the ministry of culture, and goes on to suggest that The Colonel had been a political hot potato for years, tossed around by authorities unwilling to bear the political consequences of its publication. It also indicates that the ban’s principal target was not Dowlatabadi himself, but his Tehran-based publishing house Nashr-e Cheshme.Another cover story, on 19 February, came in the form of a question-and-answer interview with oil minister Bijan Zanganeh regarding the prosecution of jailed businessman Babak Zanjani, accused of defrauding the Iranian government of $2.7 billion while brokering an energy deal. Aseman weighed the oil minister’s arguments against the statements of Zanjani’s defence (which claims he only owes the government $1.3 million), supplementing the article with an info graphic detailing Zanjani’s vast assets (several luxury hotels and banks in two central Asian countries).Compared with the plethora of bristly subjects covered by the newspaper in the course of one week, the text that caused Aseman’s shutdown was relatively obscure. The incriminating article is hidden in the back pages of the 18 February issue, which opens with an explosive cover story on Rastakhiz (Judgment Day), a new film that has rankled the clergy because it features an actor in the role of Abul Fazl al-Abbas, a sacred figure whose image is not typically permitted to be shown according to Shia scripture. Aseman illustrated the story with a large screen shot from the film depicting the blood-stained face of the actor in the role of Abul Fazl. However, the article authorities took issue with was not about Rastakhiz, but a run-of-the-mill reunion of former classmates who studied political science in the 1980s. Recalling personal memories from the era, one class member recalls a former professor he had not seen in 30 years. By way of passing, he mentions that the last time he saw the professor was during a discussion on the ethics of retributive justice as it relates to capital punishment.While rescinded by Aseman’s editor Ghouchani, who said the statement was published due to a technical error, this lone sentence questioning Islamic legal principles has met with a fiery response in the conservative press. One of the more radical reactions came from Tehran University professor Mohammad Sadegh Kooshki, who according to the news agency Mashregh accused Aseman’s editors of heresy - a crime that, according to local law, is punishable by death.Despite the swift reaction from hardliners, the current mood among journalists in Iran suggests that it is too soon for a requiem for press freedom. The media landscape is full of seasoned professionals who are determined to make the best of the political opening the Rouhani administration proclaims to offer. As one veteran journalist who has been to Evin recently told Tehran Bureau, “Now is not the time to be giving up.” |