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Tony Abbott should take note: there are benefits to being a political wimp Tony Abbott should take note: there are benefits to being a political wimp
(6 months later)
Tony Abbott’s declaration on Tony Abbott’s declaration on Sunday that border protection was no place for a “wimp” is an odd statement coming from a prime minister who’s previously worn the wimp badge with pride; odder still if you think about the pre-eminence of the wimp in Australian politics.
Sunday that border protection was no place for a “wimp” is an odd I know it’s hard, but suck it up, buttercups: Australians favour caution over the crazy and the brave. We might get excited over extended interviews, mini-series and telemovies featuring ruthless political animals, but our political history is littered with the carcasses of those whose modus operandi is crash or crash-through. We need to embrace the wimp.
statement coming from a prime minister who’s previously worn the wimp badge with pride; odder still if you think about the pre-eminence of the Our nation-state has been the province of the political wimp since Federation. A debacle over the interim prime ministership (the “Hopetoun blunder”) sounds like an opening gambit in chess. PM Billy Hughes remains the bold “little digger” while his predecessor, Andrew Fisher, appears the prototype unAustralian wimp for expressing unease over the Gallipoli campaign, despite pledging Australia would stand by Mother Britain to the last man and last shilling.
wimp in Australian politics. In the political wimp pantheon, withdrawing from a public position is a whopper. Fisher resigned as PM and at a time when failure to support Hughes’ 1916 push for conscription was viewed as unpatriotic, even disloyal, Fisher refused to yield. Yet he was elected prime minister three times, heralding a period of reform unmatched until the 1940s. Paper currency, the Royal Australian Navy, the Commonwealth Bank, war and old-age pensions – Fisher did it all.
I know it’s hard, but suck John Howard’s thick-rimmed glasses, unruly brows and grating voice made him the gift that kept on giving to the Placido Domingo of Australian politics. That wimpishness turned into electoral gold, a muscle relaxant for a country wearied by a dance with a derring-doer. Peter Costello wouldn’t challenge Howard when it was clear the desiccated coconut (as Paul Keating called Howard), was only listening to the voice inside his head. The leader renowned for sensing the mood of the electorate missed the seismic shift against Workchoices, and the discord between Howard and Costello was evident; while Howard talked up the “going for growth” slogan, Costello darkly warned of an impending economic meltdown. Yet he refused to take the crown. For services to spinelessness, Costello was this month awarded the plum job of chairman of the Future Fund by the anti-wimp Abbott government.
it up, buttercups: Australians favour caution over the crazy and Abbott appears to be taking his cue from a full-blown American political phenomenon. The “wimp factor” links politicians’ macho show of strength to masculine anxiety, gendered voting patterns and a series of US “holy wars”. This fits the perception that the prime minister leads a gang, not a government: he has a “woman problem”, is dealing with an increasingly nervous male electorate losing jobs in the old economy, and regularly uses military language (and even involvement) in the portfolios he oversees.
the brave. We might get excited over extended interviews, mini-series Leaders who daily reassert their strength appear ill at ease. The prime minister should welcome his inner wimp. A cautious pause is the mark of forethought, not cowardice.
and telemovies featuring ruthless political animals, but our political
history is littered with the carcasses of those whose modus operandi is crash
or crash-through. We need to embrace the wimp.
Our nation-state has been
the province of the political wimp since Federation. A debacle over the interim
prime ministership (the “Hopetoun blunder”) sounds like an opening gambit in chess. PM Billy Hughes remains the bold “little digger” while
his predecessor, Andrew Fisher, appears the
prototype unAustralian wimp for expressing unease over the
Gallipoli campaign, despite pledging Australia would stand by Mother
Britain to the last man and last shilling.
In the political wimp
pantheon, withdrawing from a public position is a whopper. Fisher resigned as
PM and at a time when failure to support Hughes’ 1916 push for conscription
was viewed as unpatriotic, even disloyal, Fisher refused to yield. Yet he was
elected prime minister three times, heralding a period of reform unmatched
until the 1940s. Paper currency, the Royal Australian Navy, the Commonwealth
Bank, war and old-age pensions – Fisher did it all.
John Howard’s thick-rimmed glasses, unruly brows and grating voice made him the gift that kept on giving to the Placido Domingo of Australian politics. That wimpishness turned into
electoral gold, a muscle relaxant for a country wearied by a dance with a
derring-doer. Peter Costello wouldn’t challenge Howard when it was
clear the desiccated coconut (as Paul Keating called Howard), was only listening
to the voice inside his head. The leader renowned for sensing the mood of the
electorate missed the seismic shift against Workchoices,
and the discord between Howard and Costello was evident; while Howard talked
up the “going for growth” slogan, Costello darkly warned of an impending
economic meltdown. Yet he refused to
take the crown. For services to
spinelessness, Costello was this month awarded the plum
job of chairman of the Future Fund by the anti-wimp Abbott government.
Abbott appears to be taking
his cue from a full-blown American political phenomenon. The “wimp factor” links politicians’ macho show of strength to masculine anxiety, gendered voting patterns
and a series of US “holy wars”. This fits the perception that the prime
minister leads a gang, not a government: he has a “woman problem”, is
dealing with an increasingly nervous male electorate losing jobs in the old economy, and regularly uses military language (and even involvement) in the portfolios he oversees.
Leaders who daily
reassert their strength appear ill at ease. The prime minister should welcome
his inner wimp. A cautious pause is the
mark of forethought, not cowardice.