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Amid More Signs of Russian Force in Crimea, Delight Mixes With Dismay Amid More Signs of Russian Force in Crimea, Delight Mixes With Dismay
(about 2 hours later)
BALAKLAVA, Ukraine — Reduced to a ghoulish tourist attraction by the collapse of the Soviet Union, the former pride of the Black Sea Fleet — a top-secret nuclear submarine base burrowed into a rocky hill and worthy of a James Bond villain — was closed on Saturday for “technical reasons,” announced a handwritten note taped to the ticket window.BALAKLAVA, Ukraine — Reduced to a ghoulish tourist attraction by the collapse of the Soviet Union, the former pride of the Black Sea Fleet — a top-secret nuclear submarine base burrowed into a rocky hill and worthy of a James Bond villain — was closed on Saturday for “technical reasons,” announced a handwritten note taped to the ticket window.
A more likely but unannounced reason was the sudden appearance just a few hundred yards away of 10 Russian troop trucks crammed with soldiers, five armored vehicles mounted with machine guns, a communications van and, most ominous of all, three military ambulances.A more likely but unannounced reason was the sudden appearance just a few hundred yards away of 10 Russian troop trucks crammed with soldiers, five armored vehicles mounted with machine guns, a communications van and, most ominous of all, three military ambulances.
None of the heavily armed soldiers had insignia on their green combat uniforms, but, after days of insisting that it was just a spectator to the dramatic events unfolding in the Ukrainian region of Crimea and was as puzzled as everyone else by the identities of masked gunmen who had seized Crimea’s two main airports and its Parliament and main government office buildings, Russia on Saturday pulled down the mask to openly display its determination to seize control. None of the heavily armed soldiers had insignia on their green combat uniforms, and for days, Russia insisted that it was just a spectator to the dramatic events unfolding in the Ukrainian region of Crimea and was as puzzled as everyone else by the identities of masked gunmen who had seized Crimea’s two main airports and its Parliament and main government office buildings. Then on Saturday, Russia pulled down the mask to openly display its determination to seize control.
Black license plates used by Russia’s Black Sea Fleet — as opposed to the white ones issued by Ukrainian authorities — were clearly visible on the military vehicles lined up on the main road into Balaklava, a beautiful and highly strategic deep-water bay. It was here that Ukraine, when it still controlled Crimea, stationed Coast Guard, customs and border officers. It is also where British troops established their own base during the 1853-56 Crimean War — and then made their suicidal Charge of the Light Brigade against Russian forces. Black license plates used by Russia’s Black Sea Fleet — as opposed to the white ones issued by Ukrainian authorities — were clearly visible on the military vehicles lined up on the main road into Balaklava, a beautiful and highly strategic deep-water bay. It was here that Ukraine, when it still controlled Crimea, stationed coast guard, customs and border officers. It is also where British troops established their own base during the 1853-56 Crimean War — and then made their suicidal Charge of the Light Brigade against Russian forces.
The loudest echoes of history on Saturday, however, stretched back not to the 19th century but to more recent episodes of Russian muscle flexing. The loudest echoes of history on Saturday, however, stretched back not to the 19th century, but to more recent episodes of Russian muscle flexing.
In an almost word-perfect replay of Moscow’s Cold War interventions in Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968 after appeals for “fraternal assistance” from embattled local allies, Russia’s troop mobilization in Crimea on Saturday followed a request for help from Crimea’s new pro-Moscow prime minister, Sergei Aksyonov, who was named Thursday by regional legislators meeting under the guns of the unidentified intruders. The Kremlin quickly issued a statement saying that Mr. Aksyonov’s plea “would not be ignored,” and within hours it had announced its plans for military action. In an almost word-perfect replay of Moscow’s Cold War interventions in Hungary in 1956, Czechoslovakia in 1968 and Afghanistan in 1979 after appeals for “fraternal assistance” from embattled local allies, Russia’s troop mobilization in Crimea on Saturday followed a request for help from Crimea’s new pro-Moscow prime minister, Sergei Aksyonov, who was named Thursday by regional legislators meeting under the guns of the unidentified intruders. The Kremlin quickly issued a statement saying that Mr. Aksyonov’s plea “would not be ignored,” and within hours it had announced its plans for military action.
But in stark contrast to Soviet deployments in recalcitrant foreign lands, the display of overwhelming might on Saturday met not with fierce and futile resistance — at least not in heavily Russian areas of Crimea like Balaklava — but with a mix of delight and eerie calm. But in stark contrast to Soviet deployments in recalcitrant foreign lands, the conspicuous display of might on Saturday met not with fierce resistance — at least not in heavily Russian areas of Crimea like Balaklava — but with a mix of delight and eerie calm.
“I have been hoping for this from the very beginning,” said Ilina Kulkova, an ethnic Russian resident of the nearby city of Sevastopol, after learning that the Russian Parliament had authorized the use of military force in Ukraine, of which Crimea has been a part since 1954. “Russia is the only guarantor of our security,” she said, adding that she “did not know anybody who is complaining.”“I have been hoping for this from the very beginning,” said Ilina Kulkova, an ethnic Russian resident of the nearby city of Sevastopol, after learning that the Russian Parliament had authorized the use of military force in Ukraine, of which Crimea has been a part since 1954. “Russia is the only guarantor of our security,” she said, adding that she “did not know anybody who is complaining.”
She acknowledged that she had not heard complaints because she did not know anybody who supported the “Nazi gangster regime” that she and many other ethnic Russians living in Crimea — and also the Kremlin — believe seized power last weekend in Kiev, the Ukrainian capital, following the flight of the country’s elected president, Viktor F. Yanukovych.She acknowledged that she had not heard complaints because she did not know anybody who supported the “Nazi gangster regime” that she and many other ethnic Russians living in Crimea — and also the Kremlin — believe seized power last weekend in Kiev, the Ukrainian capital, following the flight of the country’s elected president, Viktor F. Yanukovych.
While ethnic Russians rejoiced, however, Crimea’s other main populations, Muslim Tatars and Ukrainians, mourned a return to an era thought to have ended with the Cold War. At Bakhchysarai, the historic capital of Crimea before the Tatars were conquered by Russia in the 18th century and then deported en masse to Central Asia by Stalin, Chiygoz Ahtem, the head of the local Tatar council, huddled gloomily with supporters around a television in his office, gasping in disbelief at reports of Ukraine’s crumbling authority in the region.While ethnic Russians rejoiced, however, Crimea’s other main populations, Muslim Tatars and Ukrainians, mourned a return to an era thought to have ended with the Cold War. At Bakhchysarai, the historic capital of Crimea before the Tatars were conquered by Russia in the 18th century and then deported en masse to Central Asia by Stalin, Chiygoz Ahtem, the head of the local Tatar council, huddled gloomily with supporters around a television in his office, gasping in disbelief at reports of Ukraine’s crumbling authority in the region.
Boasting that he had helped his community form units to protect themselves, Mr. Ahtem said Tatars “do not like to speak loudly, but our people made their choice a long time ago: We are part of Ukraine,” not Russia. He declined to say whether his followers had guns, offering only a high-five when asked whether there could be armed resistance.Boasting that he had helped his community form units to protect themselves, Mr. Ahtem said Tatars “do not like to speak loudly, but our people made their choice a long time ago: We are part of Ukraine,” not Russia. He declined to say whether his followers had guns, offering only a high-five when asked whether there could be armed resistance.
But with Tatars vastly outnumbered by ethnic Russians, Mr. Ahtem placed most of his hopes in an expectation that foreign powers would not let Russia’s “naked aggression” pass without a response. “In the 21st century, the international community cannot be a bystander,” he said.But with Tatars vastly outnumbered by ethnic Russians, Mr. Ahtem placed most of his hopes in an expectation that foreign powers would not let Russia’s “naked aggression” pass without a response. “In the 21st century, the international community cannot be a bystander,” he said.
A few miles away, at a makeshift roadblock of concrete slabs flying Russian flags and manned by Russian “self-defense” volunteers and hairy members of a Russian motorcycle gang, a big black banner with red letters gave a blunt warning: “Russia has always been the graveyard of evil ideas. You cannot win over a graveyard, you can only stay in it forever.”A few miles away, at a makeshift roadblock of concrete slabs flying Russian flags and manned by Russian “self-defense” volunteers and hairy members of a Russian motorcycle gang, a big black banner with red letters gave a blunt warning: “Russia has always been the graveyard of evil ideas. You cannot win over a graveyard, you can only stay in it forever.”
In Simferopol, the Crimean capital, about 400 people had gathered, some holding placards saying “Free Ukraine From U.S. Occupation” and “The U.S.A. Works With Fascism.” A woman held up a photograph of President Obama with a red line through it and the caption “Yankee Go Home,” and led a chant to that effect. In Simferopol, the Crimean capital, about 400 people had gathered, some holding placards saying “Free Ukraine From U.S. Occupation” and “The U.S.A. Works With Fascism.” A woman held up a photo of President Obama with a red line through it and the caption “Yankee Go Home,” and led a chant to that effect.
Earlier in the day, scores of armed men believed to be Russian soldiers and hundreds of supporters had massed at street corners and blocked roads. But by nightfall, they had withdrawn, and the city was quiet.Earlier in the day, scores of armed men believed to be Russian soldiers and hundreds of supporters had massed at street corners and blocked roads. But by nightfall, they had withdrawn, and the city was quiet.
Ukraine’s own military in Crimea, far weaker than Russian forces stationed permanently on the Crimean Peninsula under an agreement between Russia and Ukraine, appeared to be stuck in deep despondency. Ukraine’s own military in Crimea, far weaker than Russian forces stationed permanently on the Crimean Peninsula, appeared to be stuck in deep despondency, hoping that Russia was engaged in a giant bluff and had no real intention of fighting.
A nervous Ukrainian military officer, who agreed to talk on the condition of anonymity, acknowledged that Ukraine’s forces were no match for Russia’s but added that they had nonetheless received orders from Kiev to “open fire” if attacked.A nervous Ukrainian military officer, who agreed to talk on the condition of anonymity, acknowledged that Ukraine’s forces were no match for Russia’s but added that they had nonetheless received orders from Kiev to “open fire” if attacked.
At Ukraine’s Kirovsky military airfield late on Friday, Ukrainian forces tried briefly to stop a small group of Russian troops from entering. The Russians, said the Ukrainian officer, smashed up the airfield navigation equipment, apparently to make sure that Ukraine would not be able to fly in reinforcements.At Ukraine’s Kirovsky military airfield late on Friday, Ukrainian forces tried briefly to stop a small group of Russian troops from entering. The Russians, said the Ukrainian officer, smashed up the airfield navigation equipment, apparently to make sure that Ukraine would not be able to fly in reinforcements.
The Russians had also taken over the Coast Guard in Balaklava, until a few days ago the most important agency of Ukrainian state authority in the area. On Saturday evening, Russian armored personnel carriers cruised through the center of Sevastopol, obeying the speed limit as residents looked on.
As Ukrainian leaders in Kiev, 400 miles to the north, fumed at what they denounced as an invasion that violated international law, more than a thousand residents of Sevastopol, the home of the Black Sea Fleet, gathered on Saturday night for a celebratory outdoor concert in a central square featuring the fleet’s naval choir and Cossack singers. The audience waved Russian flags and banners declaring Crimea part of Russia as cars drove by honking their horns in support.As Ukrainian leaders in Kiev, 400 miles to the north, fumed at what they denounced as an invasion that violated international law, more than a thousand residents of Sevastopol, the home of the Black Sea Fleet, gathered on Saturday night for a celebratory outdoor concert in a central square featuring the fleet’s naval choir and Cossack singers. The audience waved Russian flags and banners declaring Crimea part of Russia as cars drove by honking their horns in support.
In Balaklava, young couples, families with infants and doddering pensioners came out to admire the Russian military column, strolling up and down through a park adjacent to the road blocked by the soldiers, as if just out to enjoy the suddenly warm coastal air.In Balaklava, young couples, families with infants and doddering pensioners came out to admire the Russian military column, strolling up and down through a park adjacent to the road blocked by the soldiers, as if just out to enjoy the suddenly warm coastal air.
By nightfall, several hundred people had gathered for a joyous rally beside a World War II memorial near the entrance to Balaklava Bay and a now vanquished Ukrainian government post. “Are you for Russia or Ukraine?” asked a speaker. In unison, the crowd, waving Russian flags, roared back: “Russia! Russia!” By nightfall, several hundred people had gathered for a joyous rally beside a World War II memorial near the entrance to Balaklava Bay. “Are you for Russia or Ukraine?” asked a speaker. In unison, the crowd, waving Russian flags, roared back: “Russia! Russia!”