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‘Act of Killing’ Film Fails to Stir Indonesia ‘Act of Killing’ Film Fails to Stir Indonesia
(6 months later)
JAKARTA, Indonesia — The American director of the chilling Indonesian documentary “The Act of Killing” has won dozens of awards so far for the film and could add one of the movie industry’s most coveted honors Sunday at the Oscars. JAKARTA, Indonesia — The American director of the chilling Indonesian documentary “The Act of Killing” has won dozens of awards so far for the film and could add one of the movie industry’s most coveted honors Sunday at the Oscars.
But so far, the director, Joshua Oppenheimer, has not succeeded in accomplishing what he considered a greater goal — jump-starting a debate in Indonesia that will compel the government to finally open a formal inquiry into one of the worst mass murders of the 20th century.But so far, the director, Joshua Oppenheimer, has not succeeded in accomplishing what he considered a greater goal — jump-starting a debate in Indonesia that will compel the government to finally open a formal inquiry into one of the worst mass murders of the 20th century.
The film, nominated as best documentary, recounts in graphic detail the killings of an estimated 500,000 or more Indonesians during state-sponsored purges of suspected Communists and their sympathizers in 1965 and 1966.The film, nominated as best documentary, recounts in graphic detail the killings of an estimated 500,000 or more Indonesians during state-sponsored purges of suspected Communists and their sympathizers in 1965 and 1966.
Since “The Act of Killing” first appeared in 2012, it has received coverage worldwide, as much for its subject matter as for Mr. Oppenheimer’s approach: having men who ran one of the state-sponsored death squads not only recount the killings in detail, but also re-enact them on a film set.Since “The Act of Killing” first appeared in 2012, it has received coverage worldwide, as much for its subject matter as for Mr. Oppenheimer’s approach: having men who ran one of the state-sponsored death squads not only recount the killings in detail, but also re-enact them on a film set.
Despite the international press, the reaction in Indonesia has been muted. National television stations largely ignored the Academy Award nomination, which was covered by only a handful of print media including two English-language daily newspapers.Despite the international press, the reaction in Indonesia has been muted. National television stations largely ignored the Academy Award nomination, which was covered by only a handful of print media including two English-language daily newspapers.
The mass killings remain an extremely sensitive issue in Indonesia, where the powerful military and other groups in the country’s elite were implicated in the violence and defend their actions as saving Indonesia from what they say was an impending Communist takeover.The mass killings remain an extremely sensitive issue in Indonesia, where the powerful military and other groups in the country’s elite were implicated in the violence and defend their actions as saving Indonesia from what they say was an impending Communist takeover.
Even the country’s independent National Commission on Human Rights has been unable to make much headway in its attempts at accountability. The commission ruled in 2012 that the killings, overseen by the late President Suharto when he was a general, were a gross violation of human rights and demanded a criminal inquiry. The attorney general’s office has refused.Even the country’s independent National Commission on Human Rights has been unable to make much headway in its attempts at accountability. The commission ruled in 2012 that the killings, overseen by the late President Suharto when he was a general, were a gross violation of human rights and demanded a criminal inquiry. The attorney general’s office has refused.
Mr. Oppenheimer was worried enough about the film’s being banned by government censors that he did not try to have it screened at movie theaters. He has, however, taken heart from the fact that the film was downloaded from YouTube more than 30,000 times within the first week that it became available last October, with many of the downloads in Indonesia.Mr. Oppenheimer was worried enough about the film’s being banned by government censors that he did not try to have it screened at movie theaters. He has, however, taken heart from the fact that the film was downloaded from YouTube more than 30,000 times within the first week that it became available last October, with many of the downloads in Indonesia.
“It’s relatively easy to remove a dictator like Suharto and say we have an open society, but it requires the same popular movement to demand that legitimate democratic institutions become answerable to the popular will,” Mr. Oppenheimer said in a telephone interview. “The Indonesians must overcome those fears and create those movements, especially with two elections coming up this year.”“It’s relatively easy to remove a dictator like Suharto and say we have an open society, but it requires the same popular movement to demand that legitimate democratic institutions become answerable to the popular will,” Mr. Oppenheimer said in a telephone interview. “The Indonesians must overcome those fears and create those movements, especially with two elections coming up this year.”
The mass killings were set off by the failed uprising of an officer-led group within the Indonesian armed forces, who kidnapped and executed six army generals beginning on the night of Sept. 30, 1965, and continuing into the early hours of Oct. 1. Within days, then-General Suharto and other top commanders quashed the uprising, which they called an attempted coup orchestrated by the powerful Indonesian Communist Party.The mass killings were set off by the failed uprising of an officer-led group within the Indonesian armed forces, who kidnapped and executed six army generals beginning on the night of Sept. 30, 1965, and continuing into the early hours of Oct. 1. Within days, then-General Suharto and other top commanders quashed the uprising, which they called an attempted coup orchestrated by the powerful Indonesian Communist Party.
The purge’s victims were branded as Communist Party members and sympathizers, but they included intellectuals and ethnic Chinese, a mistrusted minority, and were killed by soldiers as well as by civilian, paramilitary and religious groups backed by the Indonesian military. Many of the victims were spirited away in the night and never seen again. Hundreds of thousands more were arrested and held in detention centers for years, and the surviving families of Communist Party members and suspected supporters were shunned.The purge’s victims were branded as Communist Party members and sympathizers, but they included intellectuals and ethnic Chinese, a mistrusted minority, and were killed by soldiers as well as by civilian, paramilitary and religious groups backed by the Indonesian military. Many of the victims were spirited away in the night and never seen again. Hundreds of thousands more were arrested and held in detention centers for years, and the surviving families of Communist Party members and suspected supporters were shunned.
The party was officially banned, and in an indication of how accepted the official state narrative remains, the men starring in “The Act of Killing” essentially confess to mass murder but are viewed by many Indonesians as heroes for their service to the nation at a time when the Communists in Vietnam were gaining ground. In one of the most surreal scenes, the men — invited to depict their sentiments over their actions as they saw fit — danced to a rendition of “Born Free” in front of a waterfall.The party was officially banned, and in an indication of how accepted the official state narrative remains, the men starring in “The Act of Killing” essentially confess to mass murder but are viewed by many Indonesians as heroes for their service to the nation at a time when the Communists in Vietnam were gaining ground. In one of the most surreal scenes, the men — invited to depict their sentiments over their actions as they saw fit — danced to a rendition of “Born Free” in front of a waterfall.
Schoolchildren are still taught that the Communists brought the violence upon themselves by plotting to take over the country.Schoolchildren are still taught that the Communists brought the violence upon themselves by plotting to take over the country.
While Indonesian and foreign academics and journalists have written frequently about the killings that extended over two years, and in many cases question the official state narrative, the issue of communism in Indonesia still touches a raw nerve. Last month, the police in the eastern Java city of Surabaya shut down a book discussion on Tan Malaka, the Indonesian Communist independence leader who was killed by military forces in 1949, after protests from a hard-line Islamic group.While Indonesian and foreign academics and journalists have written frequently about the killings that extended over two years, and in many cases question the official state narrative, the issue of communism in Indonesia still touches a raw nerve. Last month, the police in the eastern Java city of Surabaya shut down a book discussion on Tan Malaka, the Indonesian Communist independence leader who was killed by military forces in 1949, after protests from a hard-line Islamic group.
After “The Act of Killing” was first released, the offices of a newspaper that ran a story about it and printed the name of a well-known youth organization known to have participated in the purges, was surrounded by a mob and its editor beaten.After “The Act of Killing” was first released, the offices of a newspaper that ran a story about it and printed the name of a well-known youth organization known to have participated in the purges, was surrounded by a mob and its editor beaten.
The same month, Indonesia’s coordinating minister for security, Djoko Suyanto, who is also a retired commander in chief of the armed forces, vehemently rejected the conclusion of the human rights commission’s report, saying that the military saved the Indonesian state.The same month, Indonesia’s coordinating minister for security, Djoko Suyanto, who is also a retired commander in chief of the armed forces, vehemently rejected the conclusion of the human rights commission’s report, saying that the military saved the Indonesian state.
The fear of reprisals over the movie was strong enough that the Indonesian co-director and a local film crew of about 60 Indonesians identified themselves as “Anonymous” in the film’s credits. The Indonesian co-director, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said in a telephone interview that although the country’s political system has significantly changed in the nearly 15 years since its democratic transition began with free elections in 1999, military, political and business figures from the final years of the Suharto government remained in positions of power.The fear of reprisals over the movie was strong enough that the Indonesian co-director and a local film crew of about 60 Indonesians identified themselves as “Anonymous” in the film’s credits. The Indonesian co-director, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said in a telephone interview that although the country’s political system has significantly changed in the nearly 15 years since its democratic transition began with free elections in 1999, military, political and business figures from the final years of the Suharto government remained in positions of power.
“Behind the facade,” the co-director said, “the machinery is still the same.”“Behind the facade,” the co-director said, “the machinery is still the same.”
The commission’s report concludes that crimes — including rape, torture and executions — were committed by the Indonesian military and the civilian groups that they supported during the purges. The report implicated senior military leaders who were part of the Operational Command for the Restoration of Security and Order, which was led by Suharto.The commission’s report concludes that crimes — including rape, torture and executions — were committed by the Indonesian military and the civilian groups that they supported during the purges. The report implicated senior military leaders who were part of the Operational Command for the Restoration of Security and Order, which was led by Suharto.
While the last of the top commanders who ran the special operational command died in 2012, critics say the Indonesian attorney general’s office continues to reject the commission’s 850-page report because it would embarrass the powerful armed forces, and the political, paramilitary and Muslim religious groups that participated in the massacres but today remain prominent members of society. Among the Army commanders who led military operations against the Indonesian Communist Party, for example, was the late Sarwo Edhie Wibowo, whose daughter is the wife of Indonesia’s president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.While the last of the top commanders who ran the special operational command died in 2012, critics say the Indonesian attorney general’s office continues to reject the commission’s 850-page report because it would embarrass the powerful armed forces, and the political, paramilitary and Muslim religious groups that participated in the massacres but today remain prominent members of society. Among the Army commanders who led military operations against the Indonesian Communist Party, for example, was the late Sarwo Edhie Wibowo, whose daughter is the wife of Indonesia’s president, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
A spokesman at the attorney general’s office declined a request for an interview to discuss the status of the human rights commission report, saying, “The issue is very sensitive.”A spokesman at the attorney general’s office declined a request for an interview to discuss the status of the human rights commission report, saying, “The issue is very sensitive.”
One of the commission members, Roichatul Aswidah, said the attorney general’s office has twice sent back its report for revisions on grounds including that there was not an electronic database detailing each alleged instance of violence. The commission submitted the report to the attorney general’s office a third time in November 2013.One of the commission members, Roichatul Aswidah, said the attorney general’s office has twice sent back its report for revisions on grounds including that there was not an electronic database detailing each alleged instance of violence. The commission submitted the report to the attorney general’s office a third time in November 2013.
The Human Rights Commission is now trying to nudge Mr. Yudhoyono’s government to at least form a body that would investigate the killings but not have the authority to recommend criminal prosecutions of surviving perpetrators.The Human Rights Commission is now trying to nudge Mr. Yudhoyono’s government to at least form a body that would investigate the killings but not have the authority to recommend criminal prosecutions of surviving perpetrators.
In the end, Mr. Oppenheimer said, his film and other attempts to debate the bloodletting would eventually debunk the idea that they were justified by the perceived threat to the country.In the end, Mr. Oppenheimer said, his film and other attempts to debate the bloodletting would eventually debunk the idea that they were justified by the perceived threat to the country.
“It’s something the government cannot stop,” he said, “whether it’s silent or not.”“It’s something the government cannot stop,” he said, “whether it’s silent or not.”