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In Crimea’s Phantom War, Armed Men Face Unseen Foe In Crimea’s Phantom War, Armed Men Face Unseen Foe
(6 months later)
BALAKLAVA, Ukraine — Oleg and Irina Shevtsov, a proudly patriotic Russian couple, took their three young children on an outing Sunday morning to admire a long column of Russian troops and armor that, a day earlier, had secured their Crimean town’s dusty main street. By the time the family got there, however, the Russians had all vanished, disappearing as quickly and mysteriously as they had appeared. BALAKLAVA, Ukraine — Oleg and Irina Shevtsov, a proudly patriotic Russian couple, took their three young children on an outing Sunday morning to admire a long column of Russian troops and armor that, a day earlier, had secured their Crimean town’s dusty main street. By the time the family got there, however, the Russians had all vanished, disappearing as quickly and mysteriously as they had appeared.
“The children were very disappointed,” said Mr. Shevtsov, a computer expert who, like many others in this nominally Ukrainian but zealously pro-Russian region, was delighted when he first learned of what the Ukrainian government in Kiev and much of the world has condemned as an illegal military occupation.“The children were very disappointed,” said Mr. Shevtsov, a computer expert who, like many others in this nominally Ukrainian but zealously pro-Russian region, was delighted when he first learned of what the Ukrainian government in Kiev and much of the world has condemned as an illegal military occupation.
A day after what seemed to be the start of a full-scale Russian offensive, however, Mr. Shevtsov and just about everyone else are trying to figure out what it is exactly that President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia is up to. The swirling drama in Crimea has produced not so much a phony war — as the early and almost entirely peaceful phase of World War II was known — but a strange phantom war in which heavily armed men come and go, mostly in masks and in uniforms shorn of all markings, to confront an enemy nobody has actually seen, except in imaginations agitated by Russian television.A day after what seemed to be the start of a full-scale Russian offensive, however, Mr. Shevtsov and just about everyone else are trying to figure out what it is exactly that President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia is up to. The swirling drama in Crimea has produced not so much a phony war — as the early and almost entirely peaceful phase of World War II was known — but a strange phantom war in which heavily armed men come and go, mostly in masks and in uniforms shorn of all markings, to confront an enemy nobody has actually seen, except in imaginations agitated by Russian television.
At the headquarters of a newly established pro-Russian self-defense force in the city of Sevastopol on Sunday, would-be recruits gathered beneath a Russian flag and frothed with fury at the “fascists” who they believe have seized power in Kiev and are now preparing to flood into Crimea to plunder and kill anybody who speaks Russian instead of Ukrainian.At the headquarters of a newly established pro-Russian self-defense force in the city of Sevastopol on Sunday, would-be recruits gathered beneath a Russian flag and frothed with fury at the “fascists” who they believe have seized power in Kiev and are now preparing to flood into Crimea to plunder and kill anybody who speaks Russian instead of Ukrainian.
“We haven’t seen any of them here yet, but we have seen them on TV,” said Stanislav Nagorny, an aide to the leader of the self-defense force, whose name he said he could not reveal. The mystery commander, he added, “is very, very busy preparing to defend the city.”“We haven’t seen any of them here yet, but we have seen them on TV,” said Stanislav Nagorny, an aide to the leader of the self-defense force, whose name he said he could not reveal. The mystery commander, he added, “is very, very busy preparing to defend the city.”
On the other side, Ukrainian government officials and their supporters in Kiev have added to the phantasmagoria with claims of Russian troops bursting into the barracks of Ukrainian forces and, in one imaginary instance, shooting up the headquarters of Ukraine’s naval command in Sevastopol.On the other side, Ukrainian government officials and their supporters in Kiev have added to the phantasmagoria with claims of Russian troops bursting into the barracks of Ukrainian forces and, in one imaginary instance, shooting up the headquarters of Ukraine’s naval command in Sevastopol.
A visit to the command center, next to a shopping mall, revealed only a few dozen unarmed “self-defense” volunteers pushing packets of cigarettes, candy and bottles of water through a locked gate to glum Ukrainian soldiers standing guard with automatic rifles on the other side.A visit to the command center, next to a shopping mall, revealed only a few dozen unarmed “self-defense” volunteers pushing packets of cigarettes, candy and bottles of water through a locked gate to glum Ukrainian soldiers standing guard with automatic rifles on the other side.
“The fascists don’t even give them food or water,” said Vadim Bonderenko, a truck driver who signed up to join the resistance movement against a Ukrainian government made up of “the grandchildren of traitors who killed Russian soldiers during World War II.”“The fascists don’t even give them food or water,” said Vadim Bonderenko, a truck driver who signed up to join the resistance movement against a Ukrainian government made up of “the grandchildren of traitors who killed Russian soldiers during World War II.”
By late afternoon, the only action undertaken by either side at the naval command was a modest operation by a small group of pro-Russian activists, each dressed in mismatching ensembles of military clothing from Russia, Germany and even the United States. They hoisted a banner and two flags on the Ukrainian military’s front gate, each emblazoned with the same message: “Sevastopol Without Fascism.”By late afternoon, the only action undertaken by either side at the naval command was a modest operation by a small group of pro-Russian activists, each dressed in mismatching ensembles of military clothing from Russia, Germany and even the United States. They hoisted a banner and two flags on the Ukrainian military’s front gate, each emblazoned with the same message: “Sevastopol Without Fascism.”
A few hours later, the Russian news agency RIA-Novostia reported that Ukraine’s naval chief in Sevastopol, Rear Adm. Denis Berezovsky, had jumped ship and sworn allegiance to the people of Crimea.A few hours later, the Russian news agency RIA-Novostia reported that Ukraine’s naval chief in Sevastopol, Rear Adm. Denis Berezovsky, had jumped ship and sworn allegiance to the people of Crimea.
Without a shot being fired, Russia and its allies in Crimea have already secured what would seem to be a prime objective: a thorough purge of Ukrainian authority from a region that Russia considers its own, having conquered it in the late 18th century and lost it only in 1954 when the Soviet leader at the time, Nikita Khrushchev, himself partly of Ukrainian origin, gave it to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic as a gift.Without a shot being fired, Russia and its allies in Crimea have already secured what would seem to be a prime objective: a thorough purge of Ukrainian authority from a region that Russia considers its own, having conquered it in the late 18th century and lost it only in 1954 when the Soviet leader at the time, Nikita Khrushchev, himself partly of Ukrainian origin, gave it to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic as a gift.
Home to the Black Sea Fleet and with a long tradition of Russian military valor stretching back to the Crimean War, Sevastopol has in recent days severed nearly all its already tenuous links to Ukraine.Home to the Black Sea Fleet and with a long tradition of Russian military valor stretching back to the Crimean War, Sevastopol has in recent days severed nearly all its already tenuous links to Ukraine.
The police and the state security service, which used to take orders from Kiev, are now under the control of Anatoly Chaly, a Russian businessman who became mayor by proclamation last week after his predecessor, a Kiev appointee, resigned under pressure from a throng of pro-Russia protesters.The police and the state security service, which used to take orders from Kiev, are now under the control of Anatoly Chaly, a Russian businessman who became mayor by proclamation last week after his predecessor, a Kiev appointee, resigned under pressure from a throng of pro-Russia protesters.
“They have all come over to the people,” said Sergei Nepran, an assistant to the new mayor, speaking outside the Balaklava headquarters of the Ukrainian Coast Guard, whose officers Mr. Nepran said had not formally surrendered but have agreed to stay inside their barracks.“They have all come over to the people,” said Sergei Nepran, an assistant to the new mayor, speaking outside the Balaklava headquarters of the Ukrainian Coast Guard, whose officers Mr. Nepran said had not formally surrendered but have agreed to stay inside their barracks.
Russian media, a potent weapon in a battle to demoralize and divide what remains of Ukrainian state authority in Crimea, has announced a string of defections, some true, some not, and kept up a drumbeat with accounts of how Ukraine has slipped into the hands of extremists, terrorists and even Nazis.Russian media, a potent weapon in a battle to demoralize and divide what remains of Ukrainian state authority in Crimea, has announced a string of defections, some true, some not, and kept up a drumbeat with accounts of how Ukraine has slipped into the hands of extremists, terrorists and even Nazis.
As happened during the breakup of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s, rival ethnic and cultural narratives are being stoked by local and national media, and also opportunistic politicians like Gennady Basov, the leader of Russian Bloc, a Crimean political party that is organizing its own self-defense squads and claims to have about 2,000 volunteers ready to fight.As happened during the breakup of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s, rival ethnic and cultural narratives are being stoked by local and national media, and also opportunistic politicians like Gennady Basov, the leader of Russian Bloc, a Crimean political party that is organizing its own self-defense squads and claims to have about 2,000 volunteers ready to fight.
At a rundown Ukrainian military base perched amid barren hills at Perevalnoye, years of peaceful coexistence between ethnic Russians, Ukrainians and an indigenous population of Tatars, a Turkic people, had degenerated by Sunday into a tense standoff between armed soldiers of uncertain affiliations and increasingly unbridgeable quarrels between residents who argue that only their side can protect them.At a rundown Ukrainian military base perched amid barren hills at Perevalnoye, years of peaceful coexistence between ethnic Russians, Ukrainians and an indigenous population of Tatars, a Turkic people, had degenerated by Sunday into a tense standoff between armed soldiers of uncertain affiliations and increasingly unbridgeable quarrels between residents who argue that only their side can protect them.
According to Col. Sergei Starozhenko, commander of the small Ukrainian base, scores of well-armed, Russian-speaking troops had moved in around 5 a.m. and taken up positions around the perimeter.According to Col. Sergei Starozhenko, commander of the small Ukrainian base, scores of well-armed, Russian-speaking troops had moved in around 5 a.m. and taken up positions around the perimeter.
“They came from Sevastopol,” the colonel said, “How they got there, I don’t know.”“They came from Sevastopol,” the colonel said, “How they got there, I don’t know.”
He described them as Russian troops but the gunmen had no insignia on their uniforms and most of their vehicles had no license plates.He described them as Russian troops but the gunmen had no insignia on their uniforms and most of their vehicles had no license plates.
A few, however, had the black plates used by Russian forces based in Crimea under an agreement between Kiev and Moscow that was first reached in the early 1990s after the collapse of the Soviet Union left Russian forces marooned in suddenly foreign land.A few, however, had the black plates used by Russian forces based in Crimea under an agreement between Kiev and Moscow that was first reached in the early 1990s after the collapse of the Soviet Union left Russian forces marooned in suddenly foreign land.
After a meeting with his Russian counterpart, the colonel said, “There won’t be war.” He declined to elaborate.After a meeting with his Russian counterpart, the colonel said, “There won’t be war.” He declined to elaborate.
So far, as far as anyone can tell, the closest Crimea has come to any weapons being fired in anger in the current crisis was an episode early on Thursday in Simferopol.So far, as far as anyone can tell, the closest Crimea has come to any weapons being fired in anger in the current crisis was an episode early on Thursday in Simferopol.
A group of journalists tried to approach the regional Parliament building, which had been seized overnight by yet another group of unidentified masked gunmen, and received a blunt reply when they inquired about the intruders’ identities: the loud bang of a percussion grenade tossed in their direction.A group of journalists tried to approach the regional Parliament building, which had been seized overnight by yet another group of unidentified masked gunmen, and received a blunt reply when they inquired about the intruders’ identities: the loud bang of a percussion grenade tossed in their direction.
“They were less than communicative,” said Dalton Bennett, a video journalist with The Associated Press who was present.“They were less than communicative,” said Dalton Bennett, a video journalist with The Associated Press who was present.