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Mystery Men at De Facto Crimean Border Help Fuel Suspicion and Dread Mystery Men at De Facto Crimean Border Help Fuel Suspicion and Dread
(6 months later)
ARMYANSK, Ukraine — If anyone wonders if Russia and its supporters in Crimea are serious about holding on to territory that is still formally part of Ukraine, the de facto border checkpoint near this shabby garrison town on the northern edge of the peninsula dispels any doubt. ARMYANSK, Ukraine — If anyone wonders if Russia and its supporters in Crimea are serious about holding on to territory that is still formally part of Ukraine, the de facto border checkpoint near this shabby garrison town on the northern edge of the peninsula dispels any doubt.
The mystery men whom everyone takes for armed and masked Russian troops without insignia on their uniforms were here en masse, and they seem to have dug in for the long haul at what is clearly intended as a marker of a new border between the largely Russian-speaking Crimea and the rest of Ukraine.The mystery men whom everyone takes for armed and masked Russian troops without insignia on their uniforms were here en masse, and they seem to have dug in for the long haul at what is clearly intended as a marker of a new border between the largely Russian-speaking Crimea and the rest of Ukraine.
Facts on the ground like these are driving tensions ever higher in perhaps the worst East-West confrontation since the Cold War. And, as in the Georgian-Russian war in 2008, the language of confrontation is roadblocks, territorial claims and swiftly organized shows of popular support: from shadowy self-defense groups to poorly prepared referendums used to legitimize steps already taken.Facts on the ground like these are driving tensions ever higher in perhaps the worst East-West confrontation since the Cold War. And, as in the Georgian-Russian war in 2008, the language of confrontation is roadblocks, territorial claims and swiftly organized shows of popular support: from shadowy self-defense groups to poorly prepared referendums used to legitimize steps already taken.
One big difference from Georgia is that, although Crimea has for centuries been a bitterly contested prize, there has been little history of overt ethnic tension since World War II, when locals battled the Nazis and Stalin deported the Crimean Tatars, a Turkic Muslim people, to Central Asia.One big difference from Georgia is that, although Crimea has for centuries been a bitterly contested prize, there has been little history of overt ethnic tension since World War II, when locals battled the Nazis and Stalin deported the Crimean Tatars, a Turkic Muslim people, to Central Asia.
Now, in a strange ghost of a conflict, a previously calm, if impoverished, population of two million has been whipped into anxiety and dread by war talk and mounting suspicion.Now, in a strange ghost of a conflict, a previously calm, if impoverished, population of two million has been whipped into anxiety and dread by war talk and mounting suspicion.
People who admit that they would never have done so even two weeks ago now identify to which percentage they are Ukrainian, Russian, Tatar or some other nationality. At military sites across Crimea, Ukrainian forces have been neutralized but not evacuated, forced into a strange bond with the mystery men by a mutual determination — so far — to avoid bloodshed and provocation.People who admit that they would never have done so even two weeks ago now identify to which percentage they are Ukrainian, Russian, Tatar or some other nationality. At military sites across Crimea, Ukrainian forces have been neutralized but not evacuated, forced into a strange bond with the mystery men by a mutual determination — so far — to avoid bloodshed and provocation.
On Wednesday, at least 10 Kamaz trucks of the kind seen transporting Russian soldiers across Crimea in recent days were parked in a large field to the left of the road leading up to the checkpoint here. The uniformed men had pitched the type of large khaki tent that could be used as a field kitchen and canteen or possibly as sleeping quarters.On Wednesday, at least 10 Kamaz trucks of the kind seen transporting Russian soldiers across Crimea in recent days were parked in a large field to the left of the road leading up to the checkpoint here. The uniformed men had pitched the type of large khaki tent that could be used as a field kitchen and canteen or possibly as sleeping quarters.
A few hundred yards beyond the tent and the trucks was what had been a traffic police station, like those that dot roads across the former Soviet Union. This one, firmly on Ukrainian territory, had clearly been taken over by pro-Russia forces, with two large Russian flags flying at its edge. Also visible was the red, blue and green flag of Kuban Cossacks, who traditionally inhabit a Black Sea region to the east of the Crimean Peninsula.A few hundred yards beyond the tent and the trucks was what had been a traffic police station, like those that dot roads across the former Soviet Union. This one, firmly on Ukrainian territory, had clearly been taken over by pro-Russia forces, with two large Russian flags flying at its edge. Also visible was the red, blue and green flag of Kuban Cossacks, who traditionally inhabit a Black Sea region to the east of the Crimean Peninsula.
An armored personnel carrier was positioned on the side of the road as reporters drove up from the Crimean side, with a second personnel carrier blocking the road farther up.An armored personnel carrier was positioned on the side of the road as reporters drove up from the Crimean side, with a second personnel carrier blocking the road farther up.
Cinder blocks and sandbags were piled around the edge of the traffic post and across the road to slow any vehicles passing in either direction.Cinder blocks and sandbags were piled around the edge of the traffic post and across the road to slow any vehicles passing in either direction.
Refusing to talk to reporters, six of the men in unmarked uniforms discussed in Russian whether to go for a wash, pulling identical small white towels out of their kits.Refusing to talk to reporters, six of the men in unmarked uniforms discussed in Russian whether to go for a wash, pulling identical small white towels out of their kits.
In general, no one was willing to talk, or to allow photographers and reporters to get close enough to observe the installation. Reporters who had arrived by late morning saw two men in distinctive Cossack uniforms helping the soldiers keep a careful watch on vehicles coming through from Crimea. One of the soldiers appeared to be writing down license plate numbers, while a couple of others examined documents before allowing vehicles to head north.In general, no one was willing to talk, or to allow photographers and reporters to get close enough to observe the installation. Reporters who had arrived by late morning saw two men in distinctive Cossack uniforms helping the soldiers keep a careful watch on vehicles coming through from Crimea. One of the soldiers appeared to be writing down license plate numbers, while a couple of others examined documents before allowing vehicles to head north.
Reporters who arrived just two hours later saw at least 20 Kuban Cossacks in combat fatigues and lambskin hats staffing the checkpoint, all equipped with new-looking automatic weapons — a highly unusual sight for a group known more for its skill on horseback.Reporters who arrived just two hours later saw at least 20 Kuban Cossacks in combat fatigues and lambskin hats staffing the checkpoint, all equipped with new-looking automatic weapons — a highly unusual sight for a group known more for its skill on horseback.
None of the photographers, television crews or other journalists who arrived during the morning were allowed closer than about 100 yards from the post. The armed men quite firmly, if politely, kept everyone away, even a crew from Russia Today, the 24-hour station funded by the Russian government.None of the photographers, television crews or other journalists who arrived during the morning were allowed closer than about 100 yards from the post. The armed men quite firmly, if politely, kept everyone away, even a crew from Russia Today, the 24-hour station funded by the Russian government.
A man introduced to the first group of reporters as the commander made clear there was to be no talking and no approach. The second group of reporters was introduced to a masked man in the uniform of the Berkut secret police — used by the former Ukrainian president, Viktor F. Yanukovych, to attack protesters in Kiev — who the Cossacks said was the commander.A man introduced to the first group of reporters as the commander made clear there was to be no talking and no approach. The second group of reporters was introduced to a masked man in the uniform of the Berkut secret police — used by the former Ukrainian president, Viktor F. Yanukovych, to attack protesters in Kiev — who the Cossacks said was the commander.
He suggested to that group of reporters that they could take a smaller road out of Crimea. What was unclear was whether reporters would have been allowed back in.He suggested to that group of reporters that they could take a smaller road out of Crimea. What was unclear was whether reporters would have been allowed back in.
In general, there seemed to be almost no traffic coming in, while perhaps a dozen vehicles — some long-haul trucks, others private vans and cars — crossed in the space of 30 minutes toward the north and the Ukrainian district of Kherson.In general, there seemed to be almost no traffic coming in, while perhaps a dozen vehicles — some long-haul trucks, others private vans and cars — crossed in the space of 30 minutes toward the north and the Ukrainian district of Kherson.
The narrow neck leading out of Crimea’s northwest toward Kherson, and territory farther to the east, have for centuries been a battleground. They control access to miles and miles of plains rolling south to the regional capital, Simferopol, and on toward the hills and dramatic coastline of the Black Sea.The narrow neck leading out of Crimea’s northwest toward Kherson, and territory farther to the east, have for centuries been a battleground. They control access to miles and miles of plains rolling south to the regional capital, Simferopol, and on toward the hills and dramatic coastline of the Black Sea.
It was in this region that the Russians stormed Tatar fortifications during a war with the Turks in the early 18th century, clearing the way for their eventual control over what had been led by a Turkic khan. In 1920, the Bolsheviks triumphed in the region.It was in this region that the Russians stormed Tatar fortifications during a war with the Turks in the early 18th century, clearing the way for their eventual control over what had been led by a Turkic khan. In 1920, the Bolsheviks triumphed in the region.
Now, conflict seems to have descended once more. To the south of Armyansk, a bus stop in the small town of Ishun bore a token of how this formerly peaceful peninsula had been grabbed and torn in just the past week.Now, conflict seems to have descended once more. To the south of Armyansk, a bus stop in the small town of Ishun bore a token of how this formerly peaceful peninsula had been grabbed and torn in just the past week.
“Putin No to War!” read the sign, spray-painted in Russian.“Putin No to War!” read the sign, spray-painted in Russian.
Farther south, in Simferopol, a United Nations envoy, Robert Serry, got a taste of the enmity now roiling the region on Wednesday evening as an angry local crowd surrounded him. Mr. Serry, a Dutch diplomat, was eventually forced to take refuge in a cafe before agreeing to go straight to the airport.Farther south, in Simferopol, a United Nations envoy, Robert Serry, got a taste of the enmity now roiling the region on Wednesday evening as an angry local crowd surrounded him. Mr. Serry, a Dutch diplomat, was eventually forced to take refuge in a cafe before agreeing to go straight to the airport.
The message that outsiders are not necessarily welcome has been mounting in recent days, as pro-Russian crowds or self-appointed self-defense forces have rallied around the mystery men outside military bases, and Ukrainians inside have surrendered their weapons while declining to leave territory they feel a duty to protect.The message that outsiders are not necessarily welcome has been mounting in recent days, as pro-Russian crowds or self-appointed self-defense forces have rallied around the mystery men outside military bases, and Ukrainians inside have surrendered their weapons while declining to leave territory they feel a duty to protect.
In Yevpatoriya, a resort town northeast of Simferopol, the Ukrainian commander, Col. Andrei Matvienko, a career officer stationed there since 1997, has allowed 40 armed men, whom he identified as Russians, to take up shared supervision of his missile defense unit.In Yevpatoriya, a resort town northeast of Simferopol, the Ukrainian commander, Col. Andrei Matvienko, a career officer stationed there since 1997, has allowed 40 armed men, whom he identified as Russians, to take up shared supervision of his missile defense unit.
His 200 men have surrendered their arms, he said, in the name of avoiding a clash. Though tucked into a residential complex, the base has been the scene of confrontations for days.His 200 men have surrendered their arms, he said, in the name of avoiding a clash. Though tucked into a residential complex, the base has been the scene of confrontations for days.
“The truth will be with us,” was what he offered as an eventual outcome. As for which side has right on its side, Colonel Matvienko said as a soldier with a grenade launcher walked past, “Draw your own conclusions.”“The truth will be with us,” was what he offered as an eventual outcome. As for which side has right on its side, Colonel Matvienko said as a soldier with a grenade launcher walked past, “Draw your own conclusions.”