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| Mindful of Past, Many Tatars Fear a Russian Future | |
| (about 14 hours later) | |
| BAKHCHYSARAY, Ukraine — Outside the ornate auburn gates of the Khan’s Palace here in the historical capital of the Crimean Tatars, the streets are empty. Many stores are shuttered, their doors padlocked. | BAKHCHYSARAY, Ukraine — Outside the ornate auburn gates of the Khan’s Palace here in the historical capital of the Crimean Tatars, the streets are empty. Many stores are shuttered, their doors padlocked. |
| Most people do their shopping in the morning and stay inside the rest of the day. Children are kept home from school. A sense of foreboding hangs over the city. | Most people do their shopping in the morning and stay inside the rest of the day. Children are kept home from school. A sense of foreboding hangs over the city. |
| “If we speak honestly, we’re all afraid,” said Ruslan Mustafaev, who stood guard with six other men at a neighborhood watch post this week. “If they want to, they will come for us.” | “If we speak honestly, we’re all afraid,” said Ruslan Mustafaev, who stood guard with six other men at a neighborhood watch post this week. “If they want to, they will come for us.” |
| As Crimea prepares to vote on Sunday on whether to secede from Ukraine and join Russia, the prospect of a renewed Russian presence in Crimea evokes for Tatars raw memories of Communist-era depredations. | As Crimea prepares to vote on Sunday on whether to secede from Ukraine and join Russia, the prospect of a renewed Russian presence in Crimea evokes for Tatars raw memories of Communist-era depredations. |
| A Turkic Muslim minority with deep roots on the Black Sea peninsula, the Crimean Tatars see themselves as a native population, though they have had to struggle to maintain their place in their homeland. Under the Soviets, the Tatars lived through collectivization, Stalin’s purges, World War II and, in 1944, a brutal ethnic cleansing that sent nearly 200,000 into exile in the Gulag and Central Asia, unfairly accused of collaboration with the Nazis. Nearly half are believed to have died. | A Turkic Muslim minority with deep roots on the Black Sea peninsula, the Crimean Tatars see themselves as a native population, though they have had to struggle to maintain their place in their homeland. Under the Soviets, the Tatars lived through collectivization, Stalin’s purges, World War II and, in 1944, a brutal ethnic cleansing that sent nearly 200,000 into exile in the Gulag and Central Asia, unfairly accused of collaboration with the Nazis. Nearly half are believed to have died. |
| Most Tatars returned to Crimea as the Soviet Union crumbled. During their first years back, many lived in makeshift shelters, rebuilding their community literally with their own hands. Now, imagining oneself again as a Russian Crimean Tatar is, for most, a step too far. | Most Tatars returned to Crimea as the Soviet Union crumbled. During their first years back, many lived in makeshift shelters, rebuilding their community literally with their own hands. Now, imagining oneself again as a Russian Crimean Tatar is, for most, a step too far. |
| “The entire Soviet system demeaned us over the course of many years,” said Aider Abdullayev, a City Council deputy and part-time neighborhood watchman. “Therefore, our people perfectly see and perfectly understand what is happening now.” | “The entire Soviet system demeaned us over the course of many years,” said Aider Abdullayev, a City Council deputy and part-time neighborhood watchman. “Therefore, our people perfectly see and perfectly understand what is happening now.” |
| Citing examples like Abkhazia and Chechnya, many Tatars fear a war that would leave their relatively small population — roughly 12 percent of Crimea — subject to ethnic backlash and the sort of repression they only recently left behind. They also worry that after playing an outsize role in Crimea’s fledgling civil society over the past 23 years, they will soon find themselves trapped in an enclave cut off from the world, watched over by security services and political leaders loyal to the Kremlin. | Citing examples like Abkhazia and Chechnya, many Tatars fear a war that would leave their relatively small population — roughly 12 percent of Crimea — subject to ethnic backlash and the sort of repression they only recently left behind. They also worry that after playing an outsize role in Crimea’s fledgling civil society over the past 23 years, they will soon find themselves trapped in an enclave cut off from the world, watched over by security services and political leaders loyal to the Kremlin. |
| “In 1944, when the Tatars were deported, we felt what a dictatorship was in reality,” said Ismail Ismailov, an organizer of the opposition in Crimea during the uprising that overthrew President Viktor F. Yanukovych. “So Crimean Tatars, unlike anyone else, value and feel what it means to have freedom and democracy. The democratic forces in Ukraine have always counted on the support of Crimean Tatars.” | “In 1944, when the Tatars were deported, we felt what a dictatorship was in reality,” said Ismail Ismailov, an organizer of the opposition in Crimea during the uprising that overthrew President Viktor F. Yanukovych. “So Crimean Tatars, unlike anyone else, value and feel what it means to have freedom and democracy. The democratic forces in Ukraine have always counted on the support of Crimean Tatars.” |
| The Tatars have been a visible presence among the pro-Ukraine forces. In late February, Tatar protesters clashed with pro-Russia demonstrators outside the Crimean Parliament. Tatar women have held regular antiwar rallies outside Tatar villages, often chanting, “Crimea is Ukraine.” And last weekend, Tatar flags waved beside Ukrainian ones at the largest pro-Ukraine demonstration in the regional capital of Simferopol since the crisis began. | The Tatars have been a visible presence among the pro-Ukraine forces. In late February, Tatar protesters clashed with pro-Russia demonstrators outside the Crimean Parliament. Tatar women have held regular antiwar rallies outside Tatar villages, often chanting, “Crimea is Ukraine.” And last weekend, Tatar flags waved beside Ukrainian ones at the largest pro-Ukraine demonstration in the regional capital of Simferopol since the crisis began. |
| Mr. Ismailov’s family moved back to Crimea during the Orange Revolution that shifted power in Ukraine in 2004, coming from Siberian exile by way of Azerbaijan. | Mr. Ismailov’s family moved back to Crimea during the Orange Revolution that shifted power in Ukraine in 2004, coming from Siberian exile by way of Azerbaijan. |
| “I saw the Orange Revolution and couldn’t believe that such a thing could even happen. It was incredibly cool,” said Mr. Ismailov, 24. “I had thought that the whole post-Soviet space was still dictatorial. But I was too young to participate then.” When the protests began in Kiev, he said, “I understood that it was fate, that I need to do everything in order not to return to Azerbaijan, to the Soviet Union, to that dictatorial system.” | “I saw the Orange Revolution and couldn’t believe that such a thing could even happen. It was incredibly cool,” said Mr. Ismailov, 24. “I had thought that the whole post-Soviet space was still dictatorial. But I was too young to participate then.” When the protests began in Kiev, he said, “I understood that it was fate, that I need to do everything in order not to return to Azerbaijan, to the Soviet Union, to that dictatorial system.” |
| Of the four original organizers of the Crimean version of Kiev’s Independence Square protest movement, only Mr. Ismailov remains active here. As of Wednesday afternoon, the other three had been kidnapped, fled or gone into hiding under threat. During a 40-minute interview, Mr. Ismailov received five calls from fellow activists urging him to leave Crimea, or telling him that they had left already. He no longer walks the streets of his home city, taking taxis instead. Nonetheless, he is determined to stay. | Of the four original organizers of the Crimean version of Kiev’s Independence Square protest movement, only Mr. Ismailov remains active here. As of Wednesday afternoon, the other three had been kidnapped, fled or gone into hiding under threat. During a 40-minute interview, Mr. Ismailov received five calls from fellow activists urging him to leave Crimea, or telling him that they had left already. He no longer walks the streets of his home city, taking taxis instead. Nonetheless, he is determined to stay. |
| “If I leave, it will all be over,” he said, his eyebrows furrowing in defiance. “Although it is even scarier being the only one left.” | “If I leave, it will all be over,” he said, his eyebrows furrowing in defiance. “Although it is even scarier being the only one left.” |
| The Kremlin and the new Crimean government led by Sergei Aksyonov have expressed strong sympathy for the Tatars’ concerns. Russian leaders invited a former Soviet dissident and current member of the Ukrainian Parliament, Mustafa Dzhemilev, to Moscow, where he met with representatives of Russian Tatarstan and spoke for 30 minutes on Wednesday by phone with President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia. | The Kremlin and the new Crimean government led by Sergei Aksyonov have expressed strong sympathy for the Tatars’ concerns. Russian leaders invited a former Soviet dissident and current member of the Ukrainian Parliament, Mustafa Dzhemilev, to Moscow, where he met with representatives of Russian Tatarstan and spoke for 30 minutes on Wednesday by phone with President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia. |
| Earlier on Tuesday, the Crimean Parliament passed a resolution providing for protections of Tatar rights, including proportional representation in the new government and official status for the Crimean Tatar language. | Earlier on Tuesday, the Crimean Parliament passed a resolution providing for protections of Tatar rights, including proportional representation in the new government and official status for the Crimean Tatar language. |
| Mr. Aksyonov told Russian state media, referring to the potential for ethnic clashes: “They call me from Bakhchysaray and say that allegedly crosses are being put on their homes, and that at night people will come for them. I tell them, take it easy, that won’t happen.” | Mr. Aksyonov told Russian state media, referring to the potential for ethnic clashes: “They call me from Bakhchysaray and say that allegedly crosses are being put on their homes, and that at night people will come for them. I tell them, take it easy, that won’t happen.” |
| Few Tatars put any stock in these assurances. Journalists have documented instances of crosses marked on Tatar homes, and as the referendum gets closer, the community has stepped up its precautionary measures. | Few Tatars put any stock in these assurances. Journalists have documented instances of crosses marked on Tatar homes, and as the referendum gets closer, the community has stepped up its precautionary measures. |
| “Any small injustice can become a bigger injustice, and even a catastrophe,” said Refat Chubarov, the leader of the Mejlis, the local Tatar governing body. | “Any small injustice can become a bigger injustice, and even a catastrophe,” said Refat Chubarov, the leader of the Mejlis, the local Tatar governing body. |
| Outside Bakhchysaray, neighborhood watch groups began patrolling Tatar areas over a week ago, and have expanded from five posts to nine since then. At each post, groups of roughly five men stand guard on three-hour shifts between 6 p.m. and 6 a.m. | Outside Bakhchysaray, neighborhood watch groups began patrolling Tatar areas over a week ago, and have expanded from five posts to nine since then. At each post, groups of roughly five men stand guard on three-hour shifts between 6 p.m. and 6 a.m. |
| They carry only sticks — no match for the heavily armed Russian forces roaming the same streets — but hope to prevent the sort of provocations that could ignite catastrophe. | They carry only sticks — no match for the heavily armed Russian forces roaming the same streets — but hope to prevent the sort of provocations that could ignite catastrophe. |
| “Crimean Tatars have one homeland,” said Mr. Abdullayev, the city councilman who also does sentry duty. “Other nationalities who live in Crimea also have their own homelands: The Ukrainian has Ukraine, the Greek has Greece, the Russian has Russia. Our people don’t have a different home. We aren’t leaving here. We’re ready to die here on our homeland.” | “Crimean Tatars have one homeland,” said Mr. Abdullayev, the city councilman who also does sentry duty. “Other nationalities who live in Crimea also have their own homelands: The Ukrainian has Ukraine, the Greek has Greece, the Russian has Russia. Our people don’t have a different home. We aren’t leaving here. We’re ready to die here on our homeland.” |
| While the Tatars have a history of peaceful resistance, the potential for radicalization does exist. Tatar militants have fought alongside the opposition in Syria, and Hizb ut-Tahrir, an Islamic group banned in several countries including Russia, has 1,000 members in Crimea, according to Fazil Amzayev, a spokesman for the group’s local chapter. | While the Tatars have a history of peaceful resistance, the potential for radicalization does exist. Tatar militants have fought alongside the opposition in Syria, and Hizb ut-Tahrir, an Islamic group banned in several countries including Russia, has 1,000 members in Crimea, according to Fazil Amzayev, a spokesman for the group’s local chapter. |
| “Crimea on its own does not have the potential for internal conflict,” Mr. Amzayev said, standing outside the Big Khan Mosque inside the Khan’s Palace. “For 20 years different nationalities, religions and denominations have existed here such that there haven’t been any major conflicts. This may be the only territory in the post-Soviet space that has been able to avoid that so far.” | “Crimea on its own does not have the potential for internal conflict,” Mr. Amzayev said, standing outside the Big Khan Mosque inside the Khan’s Palace. “For 20 years different nationalities, religions and denominations have existed here such that there haven’t been any major conflicts. This may be the only territory in the post-Soviet space that has been able to avoid that so far.” |