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| Russia supporters in eastern Ukraine pose challenges to pro-Western government | Russia supporters in eastern Ukraine pose challenges to pro-Western government |
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| KHARKIV, Ukraine — Not far from this city in eastern Ukraine, Russian tanks are conducting border maneuvers. Yet for the pro-Moscow activists who gather around the statue of Vladimir Lenin in the city’s main square, that is still not close enough. | KHARKIV, Ukraine — Not far from this city in eastern Ukraine, Russian tanks are conducting border maneuvers. Yet for the pro-Moscow activists who gather around the statue of Vladimir Lenin in the city’s main square, that is still not close enough. |
| Such sentiments pose a serious challenge to Ukraine’s new pro-Western government. The pro-Moscow forces in the industrialized east are staging increasingly violent clashes with those loyal to the Ukrainian government — leading Russia on Friday to threaten more starkly than ever that it reserves the right to “protect” ethnic Russians. | Such sentiments pose a serious challenge to Ukraine’s new pro-Western government. The pro-Moscow forces in the industrialized east are staging increasingly violent clashes with those loyal to the Ukrainian government — leading Russia on Friday to threaten more starkly than ever that it reserves the right to “protect” ethnic Russians. |
| “We are hoping that the Russians will come and protect us, just like they did in Crimea,” said Victoria, a 29-year-old ethnic Russian in this heavily Russian-speaking city, where she and other Kremlin supports insist they have become the victims of a harassment campaign. Like most other Russia supporters here, she declined to give her last name. She added simply, “We are under threat.” | “We are hoping that the Russians will come and protect us, just like they did in Crimea,” said Victoria, a 29-year-old ethnic Russian in this heavily Russian-speaking city, where she and other Kremlin supports insist they have become the victims of a harassment campaign. Like most other Russia supporters here, she declined to give her last name. She added simply, “We are under threat.” |
| Yet if order is being broken, those supporting Moscow appear to be active participants rather than victims. On Thursday in the city of Donetsk, a pro-Ukrainian protester was killed and dozens were injured when a rally turned into street battle with Russian sympathizers, according to Sergey Taruta, governor of the Donetsk region. He echoed other officials in Kiev who say many of the instigators are not Ukrainian at all -- but rather Russian agents and paid mercenaries pouring in from across the border. | |
| Across the eastern stretch of Ukraine where Russian troops are massing for nearby exercises, activists supporting Moscow have also stormed regional administrative offices and taken over at least one TV station. Here in Kharkiv, a Soviet-style city adorned with the onion-style domes of the Russian Orthodox church, pro-Moscow activists launched a bold bid this week to press for a referendum on regional autonomy. | Across the eastern stretch of Ukraine where Russian troops are massing for nearby exercises, activists supporting Moscow have also stormed regional administrative offices and taken over at least one TV station. Here in Kharkiv, a Soviet-style city adorned with the onion-style domes of the Russian Orthodox church, pro-Moscow activists launched a bold bid this week to press for a referendum on regional autonomy. |
| With a population of 1.4 million, Kharkiv is Ukraine’s second-largest city, and it lies just 25 miles from the Russian border. The largest of the pro-Moscow rallies have drawn about 5,000 people, with activists claiming they are being victimized by “fascists” supporting the new Kiev government. | |
| There indeed appear to be several dozen members of far-right nationalist groups whose stronghold is traditionally in the west now operating in Kharkov. But interviews with more than a dozen officials, activists, hospitals and local politicians suggest little evidence of a concerted campaign of violence. | |
| There have been symbolic acts of aggression, such as a can of red paint that was thrown at the Lenin statue, which also had stickers stuck to its base reading, “Go back to Russia.” There is also an unsubstantiated account of a pro-Russian activist who was shot in the leg after a rally Saturday. | There have been symbolic acts of aggression, such as a can of red paint that was thrown at the Lenin statue, which also had stickers stuck to its base reading, “Go back to Russia.” There is also an unsubstantiated account of a pro-Russian activist who was shot in the leg after a rally Saturday. |
| But even the activists themselves concede that two suspicious murders last weekend were linked to the mob, not politics. Several pro-Russian activists’ injuries came in clashes with pro-Kiev activists that left both sides bloodied. When questioned, Moscow sympathizers here have offered conflicting accounts of some incidents and could provide little evidence for others. | But even the activists themselves concede that two suspicious murders last weekend were linked to the mob, not politics. Several pro-Russian activists’ injuries came in clashes with pro-Kiev activists that left both sides bloodied. When questioned, Moscow sympathizers here have offered conflicting accounts of some incidents and could provide little evidence for others. |
| Police officials here privately say their claims of persecution are grossly exaggerated. | Police officials here privately say their claims of persecution are grossly exaggerated. |
| “No, they are not facing a threat,” said a Kharkiv police official who asked not to be named because of the volatility in the situation. | “No, they are not facing a threat,” said a Kharkiv police official who asked not to be named because of the volatility in the situation. |
| Those loyal to the new government in Kiev, meanwhile, say they suffered brutal attacks by Moscow loyalists on March 1, when roughly 2,000 pro-Russia activists stormed the regional administration building here and raised the Russian flag. Citing Russian license plates seen on buses near rallies, pro-Kiev activists also claim that many of those who have taken to the streets in favor of Moscow are in fact being shuttled in from across the nearby border. | Those loyal to the new government in Kiev, meanwhile, say they suffered brutal attacks by Moscow loyalists on March 1, when roughly 2,000 pro-Russia activists stormed the regional administration building here and raised the Russian flag. Citing Russian license plates seen on buses near rallies, pro-Kiev activists also claim that many of those who have taken to the streets in favor of Moscow are in fact being shuttled in from across the nearby border. |
| “Older people here are more pro-Russian, but Kharkiv is still a Ukrainian city, and most people here want it that way,” said Olha Boudar-Rizmichenko, a 50-year-old museum curator who said she was beaten by pro-Russian protestors when they forced their way into the administration building. Her right eye and lower jowls are still purple with bruising. | “Older people here are more pro-Russian, but Kharkiv is still a Ukrainian city, and most people here want it that way,” said Olha Boudar-Rizmichenko, a 50-year-old museum curator who said she was beaten by pro-Russian protestors when they forced their way into the administration building. Her right eye and lower jowls are still purple with bruising. |
| “If the Russians came here,” she said, “they would not be welcome.” | “If the Russians came here,” she said, “they would not be welcome.” |
| A divided east | A divided east |
| Out east, where citizens are so tied to Russia that pop stars from Moscow perform at high school graduations, Ukrainians are deeply divided. | Out east, where citizens are so tied to Russia that pop stars from Moscow perform at high school graduations, Ukrainians are deeply divided. |
| Kharkiv lives and dies off Russian cash, and distrust of the new pro-European stance in Kiev is running strong among many in the Russian-speaking population. Kharkiv today appears to be a nest of paranoia, rumors and power struggles, suggesting the rough road ahead as Kiev seeks to secure the trust of a nation. | Kharkiv lives and dies off Russian cash, and distrust of the new pro-European stance in Kiev is running strong among many in the Russian-speaking population. Kharkiv today appears to be a nest of paranoia, rumors and power struggles, suggesting the rough road ahead as Kiev seeks to secure the trust of a nation. |
| Yet even here, there are some signs of things going in Kiev’s favor — perhaps none more telling than the new wind blowing from the Kharkiv mayor’s office. | Yet even here, there are some signs of things going in Kiev’s favor — perhaps none more telling than the new wind blowing from the Kharkiv mayor’s office. |
| Seen as part strongman, part politician, Mayor Hennadiy Kernes was so close to Ukraine’s pro-Russian former president Viktor Yanukovych that the ousted leader reportedly stopped here en route to Russia after fleeing Kiev last month. The mayor himself was hauled in for questioning in Kiev on Thursday over allegations of maintaining a staff of paid thugs, carrying out state-sponsored torture and embezzling public funds. | Seen as part strongman, part politician, Mayor Hennadiy Kernes was so close to Ukraine’s pro-Russian former president Viktor Yanukovych that the ousted leader reportedly stopped here en route to Russia after fleeing Kiev last month. The mayor himself was hauled in for questioning in Kiev on Thursday over allegations of maintaining a staff of paid thugs, carrying out state-sponsored torture and embezzling public funds. |
| Yet in an interview Wednesday in his palatial office, whose waiting room is outfitted with a live macaw and a stuffed African lion, Kernes appeared to be trying to appease the new powers that be. He refused to be drawn into a discussion about his relationship with Yanukovych, whom he dismissed as political “history.” | Yet in an interview Wednesday in his palatial office, whose waiting room is outfitted with a live macaw and a stuffed African lion, Kernes appeared to be trying to appease the new powers that be. He refused to be drawn into a discussion about his relationship with Yanukovych, whom he dismissed as political “history.” |
| Both Yanukovych and the Kremlin have denounced Ukraine’s new interim government as being filled with anti-Semites and neo-Nazis — and, in fact, far-right nationalists do hold several key posts. Yet, even though he dismissed the charges against him as an act of political revenge, Kernes described the new government as being “legally appointed.” | Both Yanukovych and the Kremlin have denounced Ukraine’s new interim government as being filled with anti-Semites and neo-Nazis — and, in fact, far-right nationalists do hold several key posts. Yet, even though he dismissed the charges against him as an act of political revenge, Kernes described the new government as being “legally appointed.” |
| He said he was opposed to autonomy but conceded that people in his city are of “different opinions” on what should happen here next. He denied that ethnic Russians faced any threat here and insisted that this was, and would remain, Ukrainian land. | He said he was opposed to autonomy but conceded that people in his city are of “different opinions” on what should happen here next. He denied that ethnic Russians faced any threat here and insisted that this was, and would remain, Ukrainian land. |
| “The people who support the idea of Kharkiv autonomy are basing this on emotion,” he said. “But Kharkiv is part of Ukraine. It always was, it always will be.” | “The people who support the idea of Kharkiv autonomy are basing this on emotion,” he said. “But Kharkiv is part of Ukraine. It always was, it always will be.” |
| At a political rally on Thursday of some 5,000 supporters of the mayor, however, political leaders in favor of a referendum took the stage. Several of them denounced the new government in Kiev for passing a law lessening the status of the Russian language in Ukraine, a political blunder that has since been acknowledged by rescinding the measure. But many here talk as if it is still on the books, or set to be reinstated. | At a political rally on Thursday of some 5,000 supporters of the mayor, however, political leaders in favor of a referendum took the stage. Several of them denounced the new government in Kiev for passing a law lessening the status of the Russian language in Ukraine, a political blunder that has since been acknowledged by rescinding the measure. But many here talk as if it is still on the books, or set to be reinstated. |
| The speakers also railed against a deal pending with the International Monetary Fund that would likely mean painful cuts in subsidies providing cheap energy to millions of Ukrainians. They attacked a sweeping new trade deal with the European Union that is likely to result in new barriers to the Russian market — a highly unpopular trade-off among many in Kharkiv, where factories turn out components and chemicals exported to and finished in Russia. | The speakers also railed against a deal pending with the International Monetary Fund that would likely mean painful cuts in subsidies providing cheap energy to millions of Ukrainians. They attacked a sweeping new trade deal with the European Union that is likely to result in new barriers to the Russian market — a highly unpopular trade-off among many in Kharkiv, where factories turn out components and chemicals exported to and finished in Russia. |
| In addition, fresh measures by the new national government — including a new decision this week to begin blocking Russian television — appear to be stoking paranoia here. | In addition, fresh measures by the new national government — including a new decision this week to begin blocking Russian television — appear to be stoking paranoia here. |
| “I know what I’ve heard — that Kiev is run by extremist nationalists who do not like Russia,” said Alexander Serdiuk, a 21-year-old law student with a Russian father and a Ukrainian mother. “They are trying to tell us the people of Crimea are being occupied. But my brother lives there, and I know this referendum is what the people there want.” | “I know what I’ve heard — that Kiev is run by extremist nationalists who do not like Russia,” said Alexander Serdiuk, a 21-year-old law student with a Russian father and a Ukrainian mother. “They are trying to tell us the people of Crimea are being occupied. But my brother lives there, and I know this referendum is what the people there want.” |
| Conflicting accounts | Conflicting accounts |
| The pro-Russian activists insist they have been the targets of a campaign by far-right Ukrainian nationalists, and the Russian government has been saying much the same. Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said Friday that Moscow remains deeply concerned about a lack of law and order in eastern Ukraine. | |
| But the activists’ stories have been difficult to prove. | |
| One activist said he saw a suspected nationalist pull up in a beige car, get out and fire a gun above the heads of protesters at a rally last Saturday. But another activist said that the gun was fake and that the suspected nationalist had fired blanks. And Artem, a 35-year-old who called himself the pro-Russia group’s “security chief,” said that local police seized the gun before it could be fired. | One activist said he saw a suspected nationalist pull up in a beige car, get out and fire a gun above the heads of protesters at a rally last Saturday. But another activist said that the gun was fake and that the suspected nationalist had fired blanks. And Artem, a 35-year-old who called himself the pro-Russia group’s “security chief,” said that local police seized the gun before it could be fired. |
| Artem, who declined to give his last name, also claimed that he had been fired at last week while crossing a darkened street, adding that he was alone when it happened. | Artem, who declined to give his last name, also claimed that he had been fired at last week while crossing a darkened street, adding that he was alone when it happened. |
| Across this city, however, more locals appear to share the mind of 71-year-old Pavel Shemet, a retiree who was mingling among the old Soviet tanks at the military museum here and who grew up in the post-World War II era. | Across this city, however, more locals appear to share the mind of 71-year-old Pavel Shemet, a retiree who was mingling among the old Soviet tanks at the military museum here and who grew up in the post-World War II era. |
| “We are connected to Russia, and always will be,” he said. “But this is Ukraine; it is our country. That cannot change.” | “We are connected to Russia, and always will be,” he said. “But this is Ukraine; it is our country. That cannot change.” |