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'If they shoot rubber bullets we can't throw roses back' Protesters: If police shoot rubber bullets we can't throw roses back
(35 minutes later)
On the streets of the well-heeled Chacao district of Caracas, student protesters are still in action at 10.30 at night. Barricades of burning rubbish block the roads, as small groups of masked demonstrators trade missiles with the local police.On the streets of the well-heeled Chacao district of Caracas, student protesters are still in action at 10.30 at night. Barricades of burning rubbish block the roads, as small groups of masked demonstrators trade missiles with the local police.
As we arrive, the police tell us to go and watch on TV what has clearly become a routine, while the demonstrators hand out surgical face masks and cream as a protection against teargas. Soon after, molotov cocktails explode near the police lines and teargas spreads in our direction, the canisters collected by protesters as mementos. As we arrive, the police tell us to go and watch on TV what has clearly become a routine, while the demonstrators hand out surgical face masks and cream as a protection against teargas. Soon, molotov cocktails explode near the police lines and teargas spreads in our direction, the canisters collected by protesters as mementos.
The students say that Chacao, an opposition stronghold in the Venezuelan capital, is "under attack by the national guard and police. They come in [on] motorcycles and fire against the buildings. They damage vehicles and private property. Even when we are protesting peacefully the police attack us – if they shoot rubber bullets we can't throw roses back."The students say that Chacao, an opposition stronghold in the Venezuelan capital, is "under attack by the national guard and police. They come in [on] motorcycles and fire against the buildings. They damage vehicles and private property. Even when we are protesting peacefully the police attack us – if they shoot rubber bullets we can't throw roses back."
The demonstrators talk about corruption, inflation and shortages, show footage on their smartphones of queues at the local supermarket and vow to oust Nicolás Maduro's government. "When Caracas wakes up there will be no stopping us," they say.The demonstrators talk about corruption, inflation and shortages, show footage on their smartphones of queues at the local supermarket and vow to oust Nicolás Maduro's government. "When Caracas wakes up there will be no stopping us," they say.
By 11pm, they're ready to pack up and go home. But the following day, the harder face of the protests is in evidence nearby: the housing ministry is blackened by petrol bombs after children from the ministry creche had to be evacuated from the fire. Elsewhere in the city, these attacks – and others on buses and public buildings – are seen not as protests against social problems, but class warfare.By 11pm, they're ready to pack up and go home. But the following day, the harder face of the protests is in evidence nearby: the housing ministry is blackened by petrol bombs after children from the ministry creche had to be evacuated from the fire. Elsewhere in the city, these attacks – and others on buses and public buildings – are seen not as protests against social problems, but class warfare.
On the hills above Miraflores, close to the mausoleum where Hugo Chávez is buried under the gaze of a portrait of the 19th-century liberator Simón Bolívar, is the working class Chavista bastion of the 23rd January barrio.On the hills above Miraflores, close to the mausoleum where Hugo Chávez is buried under the gaze of a portrait of the 19th-century liberator Simón Bolívar, is the working class Chavista bastion of the 23rd January barrio.
Among the portraits of revolutionary heroes and government-funded housing, sports and community centres, 24-year-old Anacauna Marin speaks for the local "colectivo". It's a political and community activist group, which runs communal bakeries, sports facilities, radio stations and nurseries. Colectivos are also blamed by the opposition for violence against protesters. Among the portraits of revolutionary heroes and government-funded housing, sports and community centres, 24-year-old Anacauna Marin speaks for the local colectivo. It's a political and community activist group, which runs communal bakeries, sports facilities, radio stations and nurseries. Colectivos are also blamed by the opposition for violence against protesters.
"We are being demonised because they know that it us who will resist imperialist intervention," says Marin. "The rich are protesting and the poor are working.""We are being demonised because they know that it us who will resist imperialist intervention," says Marin. "The rich are protesting and the poor are working."
The protesters want to "destabilise the country and push an intervention by the US. Add to this the presence of drug traffickers and paramilitaries from Colombia," she says.The protesters want to "destabilise the country and push an intervention by the US. Add to this the presence of drug traffickers and paramilitaries from Colombia," she says.
"Protests are historically a way of expression for the poor to demand an improvement to their living conditions. Today a determined social class has taken over the protests as an excuse to hoard and speculate. They damage public transport because they don't use it, they only ride their BMWs." "Protests are historically a way of expression for the poor to demand an improvement to their living conditions. Today a determined social class has taken over the protests as an excuse to hoard and speculate. They damage public transport because they don't use it – they only ride their BMWs."
Marin's remarks reflect the class schism – closely tied to race – at the heart of Venezuelan politics as well as the polarisation over the protests. As one black government supporter told the Guardian, he now avoids going into opposition areas because he fears he will be assumed to be a Chavista and attacked. "The protesters are our Afrikaners," a Maduro aide says.Marin's remarks reflect the class schism – closely tied to race – at the heart of Venezuelan politics as well as the polarisation over the protests. As one black government supporter told the Guardian, he now avoids going into opposition areas because he fears he will be assumed to be a Chavista and attacked. "The protesters are our Afrikaners," a Maduro aide says.
A couple of hundred miles away, to the north-west of Caracas, Maduro, president and successor to Chávez, sweeps into the Paraguaná peninsula to open a new "Bolívarian university" – part of a programme for a new, free public university in every state that has helped put Venezuela fifth in the world for enrolment in higher education.A couple of hundred miles away, to the north-west of Caracas, Maduro, president and successor to Chávez, sweeps into the Paraguaná peninsula to open a new "Bolívarian university" – part of a programme for a new, free public university in every state that has helped put Venezuela fifth in the world for enrolment in higher education.
As he arrives at the campus, Maduro is greeted like a rock star by hundreds of red-shirted Chavista students and workers before embarking on a live radio show. No less than seven ministers are also in attendance. The broadcast, which is also televised, is scheduled for two hours, but the president speaks and takes questions and contributions for more than four.As he arrives at the campus, Maduro is greeted like a rock star by hundreds of red-shirted Chavista students and workers before embarking on a live radio show. No less than seven ministers are also in attendance. The broadcast, which is also televised, is scheduled for two hours, but the president speaks and takes questions and contributions for more than four.
Chávez, too, did such shows. Nobody claims Maduro can match his predecessor's charisma. He also has to negotiate his way round the factions and chieftains of the Bolívarian revolution far more than Chávez ever did. But a year on from El Comandante's death, Maduro seems to be getting into his stride.Chávez, too, did such shows. Nobody claims Maduro can match his predecessor's charisma. He also has to negotiate his way round the factions and chieftains of the Bolívarian revolution far more than Chávez ever did. But a year on from El Comandante's death, Maduro seems to be getting into his stride.
Every imaginable topic is covered, from eco-socialism to the new dollar exchange rate system aimed at reducing food shortages and inflation. Maduro holds up pictures of fire-bombed public buildings; cracks the occasional joke, quotes Marx and reels off statistics. He accuses protesters of killing cats and dogs; and brings on a popular actor, Winston Vallenilla, who describes how he and his father were beaten up at a restaurant in an opposition-controlled area for being Chavistas. One student comes to the microphone and tells the president the opposition "can't understand" the "love we feel for you, our comandante". Maduro declares the Paraguaná crowd to be "real students", unlike the "elite" protesters "disrupting communities".Every imaginable topic is covered, from eco-socialism to the new dollar exchange rate system aimed at reducing food shortages and inflation. Maduro holds up pictures of fire-bombed public buildings; cracks the occasional joke, quotes Marx and reels off statistics. He accuses protesters of killing cats and dogs; and brings on a popular actor, Winston Vallenilla, who describes how he and his father were beaten up at a restaurant in an opposition-controlled area for being Chavistas. One student comes to the microphone and tells the president the opposition "can't understand" the "love we feel for you, our comandante". Maduro declares the Paraguaná crowd to be "real students", unlike the "elite" protesters "disrupting communities".
After an exchange with state oil workers, the president tells those seeking his removal: "If you overthrow Nicolás Maduro one day, who do you think is going to produce one drop of oil for you? The working class is the real power in our country."After an exchange with state oil workers, the president tells those seeking his removal: "If you overthrow Nicolás Maduro one day, who do you think is going to produce one drop of oil for you? The working class is the real power in our country."
"If they attempt to change things through violence, it'll be hell. A new phase of the Bolívarian revolution will begin – a more radical one," Maduro says, then flips a peace sign: "But we don't want that. We want to make love not war.""If they attempt to change things through violence, it'll be hell. A new phase of the Bolívarian revolution will begin – a more radical one," Maduro says, then flips a peace sign: "But we don't want that. We want to make love not war."