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Stranded by the Fight Over a Border’s Future Stranded by the Fight Over a Border’s Future
(5 months later)
JERUSALEM — Abutting Israel’s separation wall, the blackened shell of a factory building known by local Palestinian residents as the station serves as a den for drug dealers and addicts. Out front, at a bend in the road, rotting trash smolders in an unofficial garbage dump as children pass on their way home from the nearby elementary school. JERUSALEM — Abutting Israel’s separation wall, the blackened shell of a factory building known by local Palestinian residents as the station serves as a den for drug dealers and addicts. Out front, at a bend in the road, rotting trash smolders in an unofficial garbage dump as children pass on their way home from the nearby elementary school.
The dirt and chaos in the Ras Khamis neighborhood of East Jerusalem represent the ugly underside of the battle for Jerusalem, as Israel and the Palestinians wrangle over its future.The dirt and chaos in the Ras Khamis neighborhood of East Jerusalem represent the ugly underside of the battle for Jerusalem, as Israel and the Palestinians wrangle over its future.
Over the last decade, scores of cheap apartment buildings, many a dozen stories high, have sprung up in several Palestinian neighborhoods like Ras Khamis, lying just within the Jerusalem city limits but isolated by the barrier that Israel has built along or through parts of the West Bank with the stated purpose of keeping out suicide bombers.Over the last decade, scores of cheap apartment buildings, many a dozen stories high, have sprung up in several Palestinian neighborhoods like Ras Khamis, lying just within the Jerusalem city limits but isolated by the barrier that Israel has built along or through parts of the West Bank with the stated purpose of keeping out suicide bombers.
The buildings went up without planning permission, safety regulations or proper infrastructure. Neglected by City Hall and the Israeli government, there are no regular municipal services or policing. Yet the Palestinian Authority, which exercises limited control in parts of the West Bank, cannot operate in Ras Khamis because Israel considers itself sovereign in all parts of its capital.The buildings went up without planning permission, safety regulations or proper infrastructure. Neglected by City Hall and the Israeli government, there are no regular municipal services or policing. Yet the Palestinian Authority, which exercises limited control in parts of the West Bank, cannot operate in Ras Khamis because Israel considers itself sovereign in all parts of its capital.
The building contractors are kings here, improvising connections to inadequate water and sewage networks that are now collapsing under the strain.The building contractors are kings here, improvising connections to inadequate water and sewage networks that are now collapsing under the strain.
There are no exact figures for the influx into the neighborhoods beyond the barrier, which, besides Ras Khamis, include the Shuafat refugee camp, Ras Shehada and Dahiyat al-Salam, and the separate enclave of Kufr Aqab on the outskirts of Ramallah. But Israeli and Palestinian estimates put the combined population around 120,000.There are no exact figures for the influx into the neighborhoods beyond the barrier, which, besides Ras Khamis, include the Shuafat refugee camp, Ras Shehada and Dahiyat al-Salam, and the separate enclave of Kufr Aqab on the outskirts of Ramallah. But Israeli and Palestinian estimates put the combined population around 120,000.
That means that roughly a third of the Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem — territory that Israel annexed after the 1967 war, against international opinion, and that the Palestinians claim as the capital of a future state — are now living in a political and bureaucratic limbo. Access to the rest of Jerusalem is through strictly controlled checkpoints.That means that roughly a third of the Palestinian residents of East Jerusalem — territory that Israel annexed after the 1967 war, against international opinion, and that the Palestinians claim as the capital of a future state — are now living in a political and bureaucratic limbo. Access to the rest of Jerusalem is through strictly controlled checkpoints.
Khader Qawasmeh, 42, a bus driver, said that when he moved to Ras Khamis as a child it had about 30 families. Now, his crowded neighborhood is home to about 20,000 people.Khader Qawasmeh, 42, a bus driver, said that when he moved to Ras Khamis as a child it had about 30 families. Now, his crowded neighborhood is home to about 20,000 people.
“It is a no man’s land,” Mr. Qawasmeh said. “The Israelis don’t care and the Palestinian Authority has no authority here. People built houses in the middle of the road.” Listing problems like drugs, killings and armed robberies, he said Israeli security forces came only during the night to arrest young stone throwers.“It is a no man’s land,” Mr. Qawasmeh said. “The Israelis don’t care and the Palestinian Authority has no authority here. People built houses in the middle of the road.” Listing problems like drugs, killings and armed robberies, he said Israeli security forces came only during the night to arrest young stone throwers.
“This is the underworld,” he said.“This is the underworld,” he said.
Most moved here because the illegal housing is less expensive than that available over the wall in the rest of East Jerusalem, where apartments are in short supply and building licenses hard to come by. Residents technically remain in Jerusalem, close to jobs, and can maintain their coveted Jerusalem identity cards and Israeli social welfare benefits, which they risk losing if they leave for the West Bank.Most moved here because the illegal housing is less expensive than that available over the wall in the rest of East Jerusalem, where apartments are in short supply and building licenses hard to come by. Residents technically remain in Jerusalem, close to jobs, and can maintain their coveted Jerusalem identity cards and Israeli social welfare benefits, which they risk losing if they leave for the West Bank.
But the predicament of these long-forgotten neighborhoods seeped back onto the public agenda last month, when some residents of Ras Khamis and surrounding areas complained that the water had stopped flowing.But the predicament of these long-forgotten neighborhoods seeped back onto the public agenda last month, when some residents of Ras Khamis and surrounding areas complained that the water had stopped flowing.
A dozen local activists petitioned Israel’s Supreme Court with the help of the Association for Civil Rights in Israel and the Jerusalem Suburbs Community Center, a nongovernmental body set up by Israel to coordinate with the neighborhoods beyond the barrier. At a hearing on April 2, they demanded that City Hall, the government and the water authorities promptly restore the running water.A dozen local activists petitioned Israel’s Supreme Court with the help of the Association for Civil Rights in Israel and the Jerusalem Suburbs Community Center, a nongovernmental body set up by Israel to coordinate with the neighborhoods beyond the barrier. At a hearing on April 2, they demanded that City Hall, the government and the water authorities promptly restore the running water.
In response, City Hall told the court that the separation barrier and the lack of a permanent security escort hampered law enforcement and the provision of regular services.In response, City Hall told the court that the separation barrier and the lack of a permanent security escort hampered law enforcement and the provision of regular services.
The water authorities said that about 80,000 people were tapping into a system originally built for about 15,000, that the illegal hookups led to severe drops in water pressure, and that there was no budget to build a new network.The water authorities said that about 80,000 people were tapping into a system originally built for about 15,000, that the illegal hookups led to severe drops in water pressure, and that there was no budget to build a new network.
The Hagihon Company, a Jerusalem-area water utility, reported that only 263 households or entities representing 2,244 individuals were registered as water consumers. Most homes do not have water meters, and the absence of street names and house numbers adds to billing problems. Ten of the 12 residents petitioning the court were not registered as customers, according to the company’s books, and the other two were listed as inactive clients.The Hagihon Company, a Jerusalem-area water utility, reported that only 263 households or entities representing 2,244 individuals were registered as water consumers. Most homes do not have water meters, and the absence of street names and house numbers adds to billing problems. Ten of the 12 residents petitioning the court were not registered as customers, according to the company’s books, and the other two were listed as inactive clients.
Many residents also do not pay electricity bills or city taxes.Many residents also do not pay electricity bills or city taxes.
“Why should I pay?” asked one of Mr. Qawasmeh’s neighbors, pointing to garbage-strewn steps leading off the alley outside his front door. The man, who identified himself only as Muhammad, said he worked for a contractor laying water pipes in West Jerusalem. As he spoke, he filled a large black tank in his basement from a plastic pipe strung above the alley with water he said was stolen from French Hill, a nearby Jewish neighborhood.“Why should I pay?” asked one of Mr. Qawasmeh’s neighbors, pointing to garbage-strewn steps leading off the alley outside his front door. The man, who identified himself only as Muhammad, said he worked for a contractor laying water pipes in West Jerusalem. As he spoke, he filled a large black tank in his basement from a plastic pipe strung above the alley with water he said was stolen from French Hill, a nearby Jewish neighborhood.
Many view the absence of police officers as critical. Jamil Sanduka, a leader of the Ras Khamis residents’ committee, said that whenever he called the Israeli police, they told him to come to the checkpoint or to a station in a nearby Jewish precinct. Recently, he said, he called to report a stabbing at a hair salon and the police told him to send in a photograph of the crime scene using WhatsApp, a messaging service for smartphones.Many view the absence of police officers as critical. Jamil Sanduka, a leader of the Ras Khamis residents’ committee, said that whenever he called the Israeli police, they told him to come to the checkpoint or to a station in a nearby Jewish precinct. Recently, he said, he called to report a stabbing at a hair salon and the police told him to send in a photograph of the crime scene using WhatsApp, a messaging service for smartphones.
Colin Hames, director of the Jerusalem Suburbs Community Center, said the lack of regular policing provided other Israeli agencies with an easy excuse to avoid entering these areas. (Mr. Hames is currently focused on setting up local emergency teams. Asked if he was concerned about the chance of a building collapse, he said, “The question for me is not if, it’s when.”)Colin Hames, director of the Jerusalem Suburbs Community Center, said the lack of regular policing provided other Israeli agencies with an easy excuse to avoid entering these areas. (Mr. Hames is currently focused on setting up local emergency teams. Asked if he was concerned about the chance of a building collapse, he said, “The question for me is not if, it’s when.”)
Although they do not say so publicly, Israeli agencies are also reluctant to invest in the neighborhoods because their future is uncertain. Many Israelis and Palestinians assume that Israel will one day hand over these populous areas to the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank.Although they do not say so publicly, Israeli agencies are also reluctant to invest in the neighborhoods because their future is uncertain. Many Israelis and Palestinians assume that Israel will one day hand over these populous areas to the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank.
Two years ago, Rania Abu Shukkur, 34, a divorced mother of a toddler, bought a small apartment in a new building in Ras Khamis, by the wall. It cost about $55,000, roughly a seventh of the price of a legally constructed apartment elsewhere in East Jerusalem. She took out a large loan from an Israeli bank, used all her savings and sold her gold jewelry, and she still owes the contractor about $14,000, payable in monthly installments.Two years ago, Rania Abu Shukkur, 34, a divorced mother of a toddler, bought a small apartment in a new building in Ras Khamis, by the wall. It cost about $55,000, roughly a seventh of the price of a legally constructed apartment elsewhere in East Jerusalem. She took out a large loan from an Israeli bank, used all her savings and sold her gold jewelry, and she still owes the contractor about $14,000, payable in monthly installments.
Access to the 11-story building is through a perilous construction site. The stairwell is unfinished, with walls of rough concrete and exposed cables, with no lights. There is no elevator. Inside the apartment, the water and electricity come and go.Access to the 11-story building is through a perilous construction site. The stairwell is unfinished, with walls of rough concrete and exposed cables, with no lights. There is no elevator. Inside the apartment, the water and electricity come and go.
Ms. Abu Shukkur said she had no contract or documents to prove that she had purchased the apartment. Because the building is so close to the wall, residents say it is under threat of an Israeli demolition order.Ms. Abu Shukkur said she had no contract or documents to prove that she had purchased the apartment. Because the building is so close to the wall, residents say it is under threat of an Israeli demolition order.
“I regret what I did,” Ms. Abu Shukkur said, joking wryly, “When I have finished paying for it they will demolish it and I will become homeless.”“I regret what I did,” Ms. Abu Shukkur said, joking wryly, “When I have finished paying for it they will demolish it and I will become homeless.”