Ukraine crisis strains family ties in divided Donetsk
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/apr/22/ukraine-families-divided-donetsk-russia Version 0 of 1. When cousins Alexander and Igor Shilov get together each week to drink beer and play Mortal Kombat, they try to avoid discussing politics. Alexander, 20, has spent almost every day for the past two weeks volunteering at the occupied Donetsk regional administration, where pro-Russia protesters have declared a "Donetsk People's Republic" and refused to leave the building until they hold a referendum on independence from Kiev. Igor, 28, calls himself a Ukrainian nationalist and supports Svoboda, the parliamentary party that many here see as a fascist organisation aiming to crack down on Russian speakers in the country's east. Over pizza and beer one night recently, the cousins began arguing bitterly as soon as talk turned to politics. "We can't deny that the Donetsk People's Republic is an illegal formation," Igor said. "We just want independence," Alexander retorted. "What will independence give us?" "It's a good decision for us Donetsk residents, economically and otherwise. The Kiev regime also came to power illegally." In the ensuing hour-long debate, the only kind words the Shilovs shared came when Igor passed Alexander a knife after the younger cousin burned himself on some cheese dripping off a pizza slice. Three-quarters of the inhabitants of Donetsk province, which is part of the Donbass coal-mining region that stretches into Russia, speak Russian as a native language, and many have a positive view of their larger neighbour thanks to longstanding economic and cultural ties. But surveys by centres in both Donetsk and Kiev show divided opinions on the region's future, and rival pro-Russian and pro-Ukrainian rallies last month ended in clashes, killing one. Political differences have grown sharper in the past two weeks as pro-Russian protesters and militia have taken over government buildings in at least 10 cities in eastern Ukraine, splitting friends and relatives. A poll by the Kiev International Institute of Sociology found that 46% of those surveyed in eight southern and eastern provinces thought the Euromaidan protests in Kiev that ousted Viktor Yanukovich as president were an "armed coup d'état organised by the opposition with the help of the west". But 54% thought Russia was "illegally interfering in Ukraine's internal affairs". When asked whether they supported the "actions of those who seize administrative buildings in your region with weapons in hand", 72% of Donetsk residents said no. In another survey, by the Donetsk Institute for Social Research and Political Analysis, 18.6% of those polled opposed changes to the government structure, 47% wanted federalisation or at least more economic independence from Kiev, 27% wanted to join Russia in some form, and 5% wanted to become an independent country. Many of Alexander and Igor's disagreements echoed the contrasting narratives peddled by Russian and Ukrainian media, a difference so stark that many here describe it as an information war. "Separatism is treason, especially under the wing of another government," Igor said. "I don't accept methods like seizing a police station, taking weapons and giving them out to everyone," he said, referring to takeovers of buildings in places such as Slavyansk, where pro-Russia militia have reportedly seized 400 firearms. Igor opposes the uprising in the interests of preserving Ukraine's territorial integrity, and he said the crackdown on the Russian language that protesters railed against was "made up". Alexander bristled at the "separatist" label but admitted he hoped for an independent Donetsk republic and restored trade ties with Russia. He blamed the pro-Russia atmosphere at rallies – which often feature Russian flags, chants and appeals to Vladimir Putin – on so-called "protest tourists" from across the border. After Igor called the militia who had seized buildings "terrorists", Alexander argued that Right Sector, the ultranationalist group that spearheaded violent clashes with police at the Euromaidan protests in January, was the real terrorist organisation. At the Euromaidan protests, he said, "they didn't ask the people's opinion. A referendum is the only way to do that." Yekaterina Kovalivnich, 24, whose parents don't approve of her support for the new Kiev government, said many Donetsk residents "categorically can't accept a different opinion, there is no willingness to go to compromise. In my family, people listen entirely to one side, they can't listen to any others." She and her parents often start arguing about politics when watching Russian television, which she says distorts the situation on the ground. Her parents resent rising food and utility costs under the new regime. Political views do not follow clear generational lines: Kovalivnich's grandmother is also a Euromaidan supporter. At a pro-Ukraine demonstration last week that also drew pro-Russia protesters, old and young people on both sides continued to argue after the rally was over. But the political differences do appear to have some socioeconomic basis: groups of coalminers and other blue-collar workers have come out to support the Donetsk occupation, arguing that the region's heavy industry is suffering from the recent disruption to trade with Russia. "There are people who think that the territorial integrity of Ukraine is paramount," said Artyom, a Donetsk republic activist who declined to give his last name. "But in miner families no one supports Euromaidan." Igor said he recently deleted his profile on VK, the country's most popular social network, and started a new one under a pseudonym, because about half of his old friends disagreed with his support for Euromaidan and the new government. "I don't want to fight over this," he said. "We can keep being friends, but without politics." It's the same reason why he and Alexander try to avoid the topic when they get together to play Mortal Kombat. But if Russia absorbs Donetsk like it did Crimea, the cousins may end up in different countries. "If we are joined to Crimea and Russia, I'll leave here," Igor said. "I'll have to start everything over from scratch, but I don't want to live in a strange country." |