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| Reports of Fraud and Violence Temper Joy Over Election in Chaotic Afghan District | Reports of Fraud and Violence Temper Joy Over Election in Chaotic Afghan District |
| (4 months later) | |
| ANDAR, Afghanistan — The turbulent district of Andar has been caught in one kind of crossfire or another for years: between American forces and insurgent leaders, between warring militant factions, between those hostile to the national government and those courting it. | |
| Over the past year, it has become clearly divided. One side is controlled by the government, which found a foothold here after an anti-Taliban uprising began in 2012; the other is still ruled by the Taliban, which operates openly. | Over the past year, it has become clearly divided. One side is controlled by the government, which found a foothold here after an anti-Taliban uprising began in 2012; the other is still ruled by the Taliban, which operates openly. |
| On Election Day, April 5, votes were cast in high numbers throughout Andar. Government officials hailed the news as a triumph for Afghan democracy in a place where only three valid votes were recorded across the whole district in the 2010 parliamentary elections. | On Election Day, April 5, votes were cast in high numbers throughout Andar. Government officials hailed the news as a triumph for Afghan democracy in a place where only three valid votes were recorded across the whole district in the 2010 parliamentary elections. |
| To a degree, that judgment was justified. Many residents in this remote corner of Ghazni Province said they felt marginalized in the last election, and they were determined to see their votes count this time, despite the risks. | To a degree, that judgment was justified. Many residents in this remote corner of Ghazni Province said they felt marginalized in the last election, and they were determined to see their votes count this time, despite the risks. |
| “People outside of Afghanistan may think that Afghans don’t know how important a vote is,” said Khial Hussaini, a former member of Parliament from Andar. “But this time we proved that we know the importance of democracy.” | “People outside of Afghanistan may think that Afghans don’t know how important a vote is,” said Khial Hussaini, a former member of Parliament from Andar. “But this time we proved that we know the importance of democracy.” |
| But as always in Andar, there is another side. A review by The New York Times found that polling centers in more than half of the host villages either were closed or had little to no activity on Election Day, even though they submitted thousands of votes. | But as always in Andar, there is another side. A review by The New York Times found that polling centers in more than half of the host villages either were closed or had little to no activity on Election Day, even though they submitted thousands of votes. |
| The fraud is tied to poor security. For that reason, using Andar — or any of the dozens of other similarly contested districts across the country — as an indicator of democracy’s chances in Afghanistan is problematic. | The fraud is tied to poor security. For that reason, using Andar — or any of the dozens of other similarly contested districts across the country — as an indicator of democracy’s chances in Afghanistan is problematic. |
| Interviews with more than a dozen villagers near polling sites offered a stark contrast to the positive government narrative: Threatening letters from the Taliban were posted on people’s doors; roadside bombs were placed on routes to the voting centers; and, in a few cases, battles raged near the polling sites. | Interviews with more than a dozen villagers near polling sites offered a stark contrast to the positive government narrative: Threatening letters from the Taliban were posted on people’s doors; roadside bombs were placed on routes to the voting centers; and, in a few cases, battles raged near the polling sites. |
| “I tried to vote, but I couldn’t because the security was so bad,” said Abdul Basir, a farmer from the village of Qala-e-Sardar, where a polling center was located. “The government outposts were firing toward our villages, and from our village the Taliban were firing on outposts.” | “I tried to vote, but I couldn’t because the security was so bad,” said Abdul Basir, a farmer from the village of Qala-e-Sardar, where a polling center was located. “The government outposts were firing toward our villages, and from our village the Taliban were firing on outposts.” |
| Representatives of observer organizations, speaking on the condition of anonymity for fear of disrupting the official tabulation process, said evidence of fraud was widespread. Though polls were open across the district, it was unsafe for monitors to reach many places, raising the likelihood of vote manipulation. | Representatives of observer organizations, speaking on the condition of anonymity for fear of disrupting the official tabulation process, said evidence of fraud was widespread. Though polls were open across the district, it was unsafe for monitors to reach many places, raising the likelihood of vote manipulation. |
| Of the roughly 47,000 votes registered districtwide — roughly half the district’s estimated population — one organization figured the number of legitimate votes was closer to 10,000. | Of the roughly 47,000 votes registered districtwide — roughly half the district’s estimated population — one organization figured the number of legitimate votes was closer to 10,000. |
| “I think only one in 100 people in my village voted,” said Omarzai, a resident of the village of Yaqoob, in a Taliban-controlled area that nonetheless had a nominally open polling center. “I have no idea how they did it.” | “I think only one in 100 people in my village voted,” said Omarzai, a resident of the village of Yaqoob, in a Taliban-controlled area that nonetheless had a nominally open polling center. “I have no idea how they did it.” |
| The residents of some villages woke to find that ballot boxes had been moved to different locations — or were not available at all. In Shamshai, another area of Taliban control, election officials decided at the last minute to send boxes to a village a few miles away. In Taliban-held Alizai, the ballot boxes never turned up. | The residents of some villages woke to find that ballot boxes had been moved to different locations — or were not available at all. In Shamshai, another area of Taliban control, election officials decided at the last minute to send boxes to a village a few miles away. In Taliban-held Alizai, the ballot boxes never turned up. |
| “People wanted to vote, but the government failed to open a polling center in our village,” said Mohammad Hanif, who lives in Alizai. | “People wanted to vote, but the government failed to open a polling center in our village,” said Mohammad Hanif, who lives in Alizai. |
| Still, some said they did not mind living under Taliban rule, especially in recent years. They said that after the uprising, some of the insurgents started treating people better, aware that there was now an alternative. | Still, some said they did not mind living under Taliban rule, especially in recent years. They said that after the uprising, some of the insurgents started treating people better, aware that there was now an alternative. |
| “They used to harass people in every village, but after the uprising they stopped,” said Rahmatullah, another villager from Alizai. “They want to have good relations with the villagers now.” | “They used to harass people in every village, but after the uprising they stopped,” said Rahmatullah, another villager from Alizai. “They want to have good relations with the villagers now.” |
| The 2012 uprising was set off by a group of young men aligned with a rival insurgent faction. Tired of Taliban rule that shuttered schools and responded to dissent with brutal violence, people loyal to the militant group Hezb-i-Islami began to fight back. | The 2012 uprising was set off by a group of young men aligned with a rival insurgent faction. Tired of Taliban rule that shuttered schools and responded to dissent with brutal violence, people loyal to the militant group Hezb-i-Islami began to fight back. |
| As the movement took hold, the government quietly began to take control, offering support and weapons, hoping to reverse the violence into which the district had plunged since the arrival of coalition forces, officials said. In the past year, the government placed fighters from the uprising in the local police to bolster its support. | As the movement took hold, the government quietly began to take control, offering support and weapons, hoping to reverse the violence into which the district had plunged since the arrival of coalition forces, officials said. In the past year, the government placed fighters from the uprising in the local police to bolster its support. |
| But the central government has long been seen with suspicion — absent when needed, corrupt when present — and the success of its outpost here has been mixed. | But the central government has long been seen with suspicion — absent when needed, corrupt when present — and the success of its outpost here has been mixed. |
| In some cases, villagers say, they have swapped one repressive force for another. | In some cases, villagers say, they have swapped one repressive force for another. |
| They complain of illegal taxes and harassment at the hands of the local police. But in other areas, the uprising has meant that for the first time in years they can send their children to school and live without fear of violence. | They complain of illegal taxes and harassment at the hands of the local police. But in other areas, the uprising has meant that for the first time in years they can send their children to school and live without fear of violence. |
| Without those changes, it is clear that very few people would have voted anywhere in Andar on April 5. | Without those changes, it is clear that very few people would have voted anywhere in Andar on April 5. |
| On a recent afternoon, the cheery new police chief offered a tour of government-controlled areas, villages clustered in central and southern Andar. Seizing on the momentum of the movement, the government recently appointed Lotfullah Kamran, one of the leaders of the uprising and a former Hezb-i-Islami supporter, as police chief. | On a recent afternoon, the cheery new police chief offered a tour of government-controlled areas, villages clustered in central and southern Andar. Seizing on the momentum of the movement, the government recently appointed Lotfullah Kamran, one of the leaders of the uprising and a former Hezb-i-Islami supporter, as police chief. |
| Driving a dilapidated station wagon, Mr. Kamran left the heavily fortified district center flanked by nearly a dozen local police officers on motorcycles, some carting rocket launchers on their shoulders as they bounced along the mud road. | Driving a dilapidated station wagon, Mr. Kamran left the heavily fortified district center flanked by nearly a dozen local police officers on motorcycles, some carting rocket launchers on their shoulders as they bounced along the mud road. |
| “We are a joint force together,” he said, steering the vehicle over a large divot, then waving to a knot of villagers. “There is no difference between the uprising, local police, national police or the army.” | “We are a joint force together,” he said, steering the vehicle over a large divot, then waving to a knot of villagers. “There is no difference between the uprising, local police, national police or the army.” |
| Villagers emerged from their homes and stores along a dusty plain of farmland to wave at the young police chief, recognizing him from his days as part of the uprising. | Villagers emerged from their homes and stores along a dusty plain of farmland to wave at the young police chief, recognizing him from his days as part of the uprising. |
| “I never imagined this place would be so secure,” said Mohammad Musa, 40, who owns a small pharmacy. “There were so many people outside the polling centers that they ran out of ballots.” | “I never imagined this place would be so secure,” said Mohammad Musa, 40, who owns a small pharmacy. “There were so many people outside the polling centers that they ran out of ballots.” |
| In the village of Kunsaf, one older man, out of earshot of the chief, complained that the local police harassed the population. But he conceded that security was better — and that the vote, in Kunsaf, at least, did indeed happen. | In the village of Kunsaf, one older man, out of earshot of the chief, complained that the local police harassed the population. But he conceded that security was better — and that the vote, in Kunsaf, at least, did indeed happen. |
| “We have been suffering, and we suffer still,” he said, standing at the entrance of a burned-down clinic covered in soot. “The difference in security now is like the distance between the earth and the sky, but we still have problems.” | “We have been suffering, and we suffer still,” he said, standing at the entrance of a burned-down clinic covered in soot. “The difference in security now is like the distance between the earth and the sky, but we still have problems.” |