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Militant Rally in Iraq Ends in Deadly Sectarian Bombing Iraqi Militants Stage Political Rally, Then Bombs Go Off
(about 2 hours later)
BAGHDAD — A campaign rally at a ramshackle old soccer stadium Friday afternoon began with an open-air theater that crossed centuries of Shiite lore, from the martyrdom of a revered religious figure to the fight today against Sunni extremists, played by actors dressed as fighters for the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, a radical Islamist group. BAGHDAD — A campaign rally at a ramshackle old soccer stadium on Friday afternoon began with open-air theater that crossed centuries of Shiite lore, from the martyrdom of a revered religious figure to the fight today against Sunni extremists, played by actors dressed as fighters for the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, a radical Islamist group.
It ended with an outbreak of violence, three explosions, one after the other, in the parking lot, as thousands of people were leaving: a car bomb, a suicide bomber and a roadside bomb. More than 30 people were killed and many others wounded in an attack the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria said in a statement it had carried out. It ended with an outbreak of violence, three explosions, one after the other, in the parking lot, as thousands of people were leaving: a car bomb, a suicide bomber and a roadside bomb. More than 30 people were killed and many others wounded in an attack that the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria said in a statement it had carried out.
The bombings struck a rally held by a Shiite militant group, Asaib Ahl al-Haq, that is trying to transform itself into a political force by fielding candidates in Iraq’s coming national elections. But rather than emphasize empowerment through politics, the rally and the subsequent Sunni militant attack underscored two troubling realities of today’s Iraq. They pointed to the merging of the civil war in Syria with Iraq’s own strengthened Sunni insurgency and the rising influence of Iran, the event organizers’ most important patron. The bombings struck a rally held by a Shiite militant group, Asaib Ahl al-Haq, that is trying to transform itself into a political force by fielding candidates in Iraq’s coming national elections. But rather than emphasize empowerment through politics, the rally and the subsequent Sunni militant attack underscored two troubling realities of today’s Iraq: the merging of the civil war in Syria with Iraq’s own strengthened Sunni insurgency and the rising influence of Iran, the event organizers’ most important patron.
The event at times felt more like a wartime rally than a political event, especially with Asaib Ahl al-Haq’s boast that it was sending its members to fight in the Syrian civil war. The event at times felt more like a wartime rally than a political event, especially with boasting by Asaib Ahl al-Haq that it was sending its members to fight in the Syrian civil war.
Festooned around the stadium were banners bearing the names and faces of the men the group had lost in Syria, more than 80 names in all. Men in militia uniforms — green camouflage with Asaib Ahl al-Haq patches on the sleeves — some just back from the battlefield in Syria, lined the track surrounding the soccer field. As the group’s parliamentary candidates filed into the stadium, a campaign song played through scratchy stereo speakers. Festooned around the stadium were banners bearing the names and faces of the men the group had lost in Syria, more than 80 names in all. Men in militia uniforms — green camouflage with Asaib Ahl al-Haq patches on the sleeves — some of them just back from the battlefield in Syria, lined the track surrounding the soccer field. As the group’s parliamentary candidates filed into the stadium, a campaign song played through scratchy stereo speakers.
“We send real men to Syria,” was one verse.“We send real men to Syria,” was one verse.
“We are protecting Zeinab,” was another, a reference to an important Shiite shrine in Syria.“We are protecting Zeinab,” was another, a reference to an important Shiite shrine in Syria.
Just before the formal program was to begin, the group’s leader, Qais al-Khazali, rode into the stadium in a convoy of black armored sport utility vehicles, black-suited security men hanging off the sides. Mr. Khazali was once a lieutenant for another cleric and militia leader who was also an implacable foe to the Americans, Moktada al-Sadr. Now Mr. Khazali commands his own movement that will compete for Mr. Sadr’s constituency among the Shiite underclass in the elections, scheduled for Wednesday.Just before the formal program was to begin, the group’s leader, Qais al-Khazali, rode into the stadium in a convoy of black armored sport utility vehicles, black-suited security men hanging off the sides. Mr. Khazali was once a lieutenant for another cleric and militia leader who was also an implacable foe to the Americans, Moktada al-Sadr. Now Mr. Khazali commands his own movement that will compete for Mr. Sadr’s constituency among the Shiite underclass in the elections, scheduled for Wednesday.
On Friday he stepped to the podium and began by reciting the names of fighters killed in Syria.On Friday he stepped to the podium and began by reciting the names of fighters killed in Syria.
“You are the reason we are here today,” he said. “And we will accomplish what you have died for.”“You are the reason we are here today,” he said. “And we will accomplish what you have died for.”
Then he addressed his men who are still fighting in Syria.Then he addressed his men who are still fighting in Syria.
“To those that are defending Iraq in Syria, because they are fighting there the enemies of Iraq, I tell you all,” he said, “congratulations for having the honor to fight there. Congratulations for making history.”“To those that are defending Iraq in Syria, because they are fighting there the enemies of Iraq, I tell you all,” he said, “congratulations for having the honor to fight there. Congratulations for making history.”
The group was welcomed into Iraq’s political system a few years ago by Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki, just as American troops were leaving, and his acceptance of it was regarded as a move that further empowered Iran at the expense of the United States.The group was welcomed into Iraq’s political system a few years ago by Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki, just as American troops were leaving, and his acceptance of it was regarded as a move that further empowered Iran at the expense of the United States.
Iran has provided the money and training for the group’s Syria recruitment effort, analysts say. In the Shiite-dominated provinces of southern Iraq, posters urge men to go and fight, and there is a phone number to call. The rallying cry for Iraqi Shiites is the defense of the shrine of Sayeda Zeinab, the Shiite holy site in a Damascus suburb. But they often fight alongside the Syrian government, as well as alongside fighters from Iran and Hezbollah, a Shiite militant movement based in Lebanon, against the rebel fighters, who are largely Sunni Muslims.Iran has provided the money and training for the group’s Syria recruitment effort, analysts say. In the Shiite-dominated provinces of southern Iraq, posters urge men to go and fight, and there is a phone number to call. The rallying cry for Iraqi Shiites is the defense of the shrine of Sayeda Zeinab, the Shiite holy site in a Damascus suburb. But they often fight alongside the Syrian government, as well as alongside fighters from Iran and Hezbollah, a Shiite militant movement based in Lebanon, against the rebel fighters, who are largely Sunni Muslims.
The group is not only fighting in Syria. It is also back on the streets in Baghdad and in other areas of the country, including Anbar Province, where large sections of territory are in the hands of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. Sometimes Asaib Ahl al-Haq’s members fight alongside government forces, and at other times they carry out their own operations, militiamen say. The group was widely blamed for atrocities against Sunnis during the sectarian war of 2005 to 2007; that it is now working hand in hand with the government on the battlefield and vying for votes in the elections is further evidence of Iraq’s rising sectarian tensions.The group is not only fighting in Syria. It is also back on the streets in Baghdad and in other areas of the country, including Anbar Province, where large sections of territory are in the hands of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. Sometimes Asaib Ahl al-Haq’s members fight alongside government forces, and at other times they carry out their own operations, militiamen say. The group was widely blamed for atrocities against Sunnis during the sectarian war of 2005 to 2007; that it is now working hand in hand with the government on the battlefield and vying for votes in the elections is further evidence of Iraq’s rising sectarian tensions.
The group’s remobilization has alarmed Iraq’s Sunnis, who recall its role in sectarian fighting just a few years ago. It also highlights the weaknesses of Iraq’s security forces and has raised alarms that the country is backsliding to the days when it was a patchwork of militias and armed groups controlled the streets.The group’s remobilization has alarmed Iraq’s Sunnis, who recall its role in sectarian fighting just a few years ago. It also highlights the weaknesses of Iraq’s security forces and has raised alarms that the country is backsliding to the days when it was a patchwork of militias and armed groups controlled the streets.
Salam al-Jazari, one of Asaib’s candidates who is running for Parliament from Baghdad, said: “All Iraqis are calling for security, and we have experiences in this field. We have military experience. Abroad, we have fighters protecting Zeinab, and inside Iraq we have fighters supporting the security forces. We have many operations inside Baghdad capturing terrorists and car bombs, and we even have our men in all the provinces, as our military wing, to impose security.” Salam al-Jazari, an Asaib Ahl al-Haq parliamentary candidate from Baghdad, said: “All Iraqis are calling for security, and we have experiences in this field. We have military experience. Abroad, we have fighters protecting Zeinab, and inside Iraq we have fighters supporting the security forces. We have many operations inside Baghdad capturing terrorists and car bombs, and we even have our men in all the provinces, as our military wing, to impose security.”
In this environment, the group, as it campaigns for seats in Parliament, is not only celebrating its role in the war in Syria but also putting itself forward as the protector of Iraq’s Shiites.In this environment, the group, as it campaigns for seats in Parliament, is not only celebrating its role in the war in Syria but also putting itself forward as the protector of Iraq’s Shiites.
One man at the rally on Friday said that as soon as he returned from Syria his superiors asked him to fight in Anbar.One man at the rally on Friday said that as soon as he returned from Syria his superiors asked him to fight in Anbar.
“I just came back from Syria three days ago,” said Majeed Khadum, 25. “I still have the smell of the war in Syria on me. And my bosses just contacted me yesterday to join them on a mission, but I said no because I am still tired from the war in Syria.”“I just came back from Syria three days ago,” said Majeed Khadum, 25. “I still have the smell of the war in Syria on me. And my bosses just contacted me yesterday to join them on a mission, but I said no because I am still tired from the war in Syria.”
He said he was attracted to Asaib because “they are protecting the Shiite community inside Iraq and abroad as well.” He said he was attracted to Asaib Ahl al-Haq because “they are protecting the Shiite community inside Iraq and abroad as well.”
As a full display of Iraqi politics, Friday’s event was especially emblematic: emotional expressions of Shiite empowerment; slogans for unity between Iraq’s three main factions, Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds, that felt cynical given the group’s history; and little in the way of actual policy proposals. As a full display of Iraqi politics, Friday’s event was especially emblematic, with emotional expressions of Shiite empowerment; slogans for unity between Iraq’s three main factions, Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds, that felt cynical given the group’s history; and little in the way of actual policy proposals.
And then, at the end, another burst of horrific violence.And then, at the end, another burst of horrific violence.