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A last plea as Colombia votes: 'Don't throw way the chance of peace' A last plea as Colombia votes: 'Don't throw away the chance of peace'
(about 1 hour later)
Colombia – and with it Latin America – stands at a crossroads as the country chooses, in the most important election in living memory, between the centre-right incumbent President Juan Manuel Santos and his challenger from the far right, Óscar Iván Zuluaga.Colombia – and with it Latin America – stands at a crossroads as the country chooses, in the most important election in living memory, between the centre-right incumbent President Juan Manuel Santos and his challenger from the far right, Óscar Iván Zuluaga.
Along with social reforms and the future of the "war on drugs", the explosive issue that will sway the result is Colombia's peace process between the government and Farc, the Marxist guerrillas. The man at the heart of that process issued an impassioned plea on Saturday that his country should not "throw away the chance to end the longest-running conflict in the world".Along with social reforms and the future of the "war on drugs", the explosive issue that will sway the result is Colombia's peace process between the government and Farc, the Marxist guerrillas. The man at the heart of that process issued an impassioned plea on Saturday that his country should not "throw away the chance to end the longest-running conflict in the world".
Mauricio Rodríguez – a special adviser to Santos, a key mediator in the peace talks and a former ambassador to London – said a Zuluaga victory would "tear up all the work we have done, all we have achieved to bring peace to Colombia". It would also "overturn social reforms which are lifting millions of Colombians out of poverty and bring about a return to the drug war".Mauricio Rodríguez – a special adviser to Santos, a key mediator in the peace talks and a former ambassador to London – said a Zuluaga victory would "tear up all the work we have done, all we have achieved to bring peace to Colombia". It would also "overturn social reforms which are lifting millions of Colombians out of poverty and bring about a return to the drug war".
"The stakes," he said, were "very, very high. Colombia is tired of war – we cannot take any more." The election was "not just a national issue, but will fundamentally impact Latin America and the world"."The stakes," he said, were "very, very high. Colombia is tired of war – we cannot take any more." The election was "not just a national issue, but will fundamentally impact Latin America and the world".
Rodríguez's argument combines the divisions that have torn Colombia apart for half a century, in a running war that entwines ideology, cocaine-trafficking and desperate poverty. Following a civil war known as the Violencia, which broke out in 1948, the conflict – which gripped the country fully from 1964 – has claimed 250,000 lives and forced more than five million people from their homes, the largest domestic displacement in modern history. Much of the violence has been famously detonated by narco cartels – that from Cali and the mighty Medellin cartel of Pablo Escobar, killed in 1993 after waging all-out narco-insurgency against state and society.Rodríguez's argument combines the divisions that have torn Colombia apart for half a century, in a running war that entwines ideology, cocaine-trafficking and desperate poverty. Following a civil war known as the Violencia, which broke out in 1948, the conflict – which gripped the country fully from 1964 – has claimed 250,000 lives and forced more than five million people from their homes, the largest domestic displacement in modern history. Much of the violence has been famously detonated by narco cartels – that from Cali and the mighty Medellin cartel of Pablo Escobar, killed in 1993 after waging all-out narco-insurgency against state and society.
But throughout another – connected – war has ravaged Colombia: a three-cornered conflict between the revolutionary Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias Colombianas (Farc), rightwing paramilitaries and the army – the latter two often in cahoots. The paramilitaries also overlapped with drug cartels, and Farc has itself become a drug syndicate to fund its insurgency. In this maelstrom – after the paramilitaries were disarmed between 2002-04 – Santos, who came to power in 2010, has made peace with Farc a cornerstone of his tenure, which has been an alliance between the national centre-right and local centre-left administrations. "The political responsibility for this peace effort falls exclusively on my shoulders," Santos has said. "A peace process that includes both the Farc and [another guerrilla group] the ELN is the best guarantee that this conflict is ended for good."But throughout another – connected – war has ravaged Colombia: a three-cornered conflict between the revolutionary Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias Colombianas (Farc), rightwing paramilitaries and the army – the latter two often in cahoots. The paramilitaries also overlapped with drug cartels, and Farc has itself become a drug syndicate to fund its insurgency. In this maelstrom – after the paramilitaries were disarmed between 2002-04 – Santos, who came to power in 2010, has made peace with Farc a cornerstone of his tenure, which has been an alliance between the national centre-right and local centre-left administrations. "The political responsibility for this peace effort falls exclusively on my shoulders," Santos has said. "A peace process that includes both the Farc and [another guerrilla group] the ELN is the best guarantee that this conflict is ended for good."
This aim invoked the fury of Santos's predecessor, President Álvaro Uribe, in whose government – ironically – Santos was defence minister and who has always been seen as the paramilitaries' sponsor. (It was Uribe who used his clout on the far right to organise the paramilitary amnesty and ceasefire.) Now the former colleagues are at loggerheads, after an aggressive campaign by Uribe against Santos, and his sponsorship of Sunday's rightwing challenger Zuluaga. Zuluaga narrowly won a first round on 25 May. Now the two face a runoff.This aim invoked the fury of Santos's predecessor, President Álvaro Uribe, in whose government – ironically – Santos was defence minister and who has always been seen as the paramilitaries' sponsor. (It was Uribe who used his clout on the far right to organise the paramilitary amnesty and ceasefire.) Now the former colleagues are at loggerheads, after an aggressive campaign by Uribe against Santos, and his sponsorship of Sunday's rightwing challenger Zuluaga. Zuluaga narrowly won a first round on 25 May. Now the two face a runoff.
During most of Santos's presidency, Rodríguez was ambassador to London, but he was recalled last year to be a special adviser and key player in the peace process. "It's been an exhausting campaign," he said, "very tough". Rodríguez began the interview with the peace process, for which the president has been assailed in an extraordinary Twitter campaign of 25,000 messages from Uribe.During most of Santos's presidency, Rodríguez was ambassador to London, but he was recalled last year to be a special adviser and key player in the peace process. "It's been an exhausting campaign," he said, "very tough". Rodríguez began the interview with the peace process, for which the president has been assailed in an extraordinary Twitter campaign of 25,000 messages from Uribe.
Uribe and his ultra-conservative and former paramilitary supporters say the government is negotiating with terrorists; the government insists that it is on the brink of finding an end to war, after the negotiating agenda was agreed in August 2012 and talks proceeded in Havana and Oslo.Uribe and his ultra-conservative and former paramilitary supporters say the government is negotiating with terrorists; the government insists that it is on the brink of finding an end to war, after the negotiating agenda was agreed in August 2012 and talks proceeded in Havana and Oslo.
"How can we just tear up the peace process when we are so close, after all these years of killing?" asked Rodríguez. "Farc and the government are nearly there, after the loss of 250,000 Colombian lives, 650,000 Colombians made widows and orphans and five million Colombians displaced." He emphasised that "all major leaders in the democratic world have applauded our peace process and we are now agreed on three and a half of five points tabled with Farc. We believe we can get there.""How can we just tear up the peace process when we are so close, after all these years of killing?" asked Rodríguez. "Farc and the government are nearly there, after the loss of 250,000 Colombian lives, 650,000 Colombians made widows and orphans and five million Colombians displaced." He emphasised that "all major leaders in the democratic world have applauded our peace process and we are now agreed on three and a half of five points tabled with Farc. We believe we can get there."
The first issue is that of agrarian reform, "something Farc has always claimed to fight for. We are determined to do something for people who are exploited on the land, with or without Farc, and we have reached an agreement they accept and we endorse anyway". Second is the issue of political participation, similar to that engaged in by Sinn Féin in Ireland in exchange for the IRA ceasefire. "We need to deepen and open Colombian democracy," said Rodríguez, "recognise and guarantee the rights of the opposition. There must be proper, democratic representation, and a framework for bringing these forces into peaceful, democratic representation is already agreed" The first issue is that of agrarian reform, "something Farc has always claimed to fight for. We are determined to do something for people who are exploited on the land, with or without Farc, and we have reached an agreement they accept and we endorse anyway". Second is the issue of political participation, similar to that engaged in by Sinn Féin in Ireland in exchange for the IRA ceasefire. "We need to deepen and open Colombian democracy," said Rodríguez, "recognise and guarantee the rights of the opposition. There must be proper, democratic representation, and a framework for bringing these forces into peaceful, democratic representation is already agreed reckoning in the future, wherebyFarc has for the first time in 50 years acknowledged and accepted responsibility for causing great damage to part of the people of Colombia. They've accepted that they've caused violence in Colombia, and take responsibility for that. For the first time, they are committed to truth and reconciliation."The other half of this item – the means of how to administer the reckoning, or what kind of commissions might be established – have yet to be agreed, as have the specifics of a permanent decommissioning of weapons and ceasefire.
A measure is close to being met, for the sake of reckoning in the future, whereby"Farc has for the first time in 50 years acknowledged and accepted responsibility for causing great damage to part of the people of Colombia. They've accepted that they've caused violence in Colombia, and take responsibility for that. For the first time, they are committed to truth and reconciliation."The other half of this item – the means of how to administer the reckoning, or what kind of commissions might be established – have yet to be agreed, as have the specifics of a permanent decommissioning of weapons and ceasefire.
One of the major questions hanging over the talks has been that, although the ideologists in Farc might be ready to exchange guns for politics, the accountants who run its multi-billion-dollar cocaine business may wonder what the benefit would be. Rodríguez insists that a third, crucial issue has been resolved: "Farc has committed to cutting its ties to narco-traffic. This is very important not only for Colombia, but for Latin America and the world."One of the major questions hanging over the talks has been that, although the ideologists in Farc might be ready to exchange guns for politics, the accountants who run its multi-billion-dollar cocaine business may wonder what the benefit would be. Rodríguez insists that a third, crucial issue has been resolved: "Farc has committed to cutting its ties to narco-traffic. This is very important not only for Colombia, but for Latin America and the world."
This agreement dovetails into another area on which the Santos administration is fearful of losing ground: its leadership of a challenge to the American-led "war on drugs". At the Summit of the Americas at Cartagena in 2012, Santos called for a radical new approach to drugs – focusing on co-responsibility among consuming nations in Europe and North America – to money-laundering by banks caught shifting vast quantities of drug money and to social and economic issues. Without Colombia's leadership, it is unlikely that its supporters can continue the challenge alone.This agreement dovetails into another area on which the Santos administration is fearful of losing ground: its leadership of a challenge to the American-led "war on drugs". At the Summit of the Americas at Cartagena in 2012, Santos called for a radical new approach to drugs – focusing on co-responsibility among consuming nations in Europe and North America – to money-laundering by banks caught shifting vast quantities of drug money and to social and economic issues. Without Colombia's leadership, it is unlikely that its supporters can continue the challenge alone.
Rodríguez has been to the fore in forging the new approach "and I dread the consequences of losing this initiative. An Uribe government would bring back not just a latterday version of the [US-backed] 'Plan Colombia'. Full of resentment, they want to undo all we have done on the drugs crisis, to bring back the old war on drugs, and worse".Rodríguez has been to the fore in forging the new approach "and I dread the consequences of losing this initiative. An Uribe government would bring back not just a latterday version of the [US-backed] 'Plan Colombia'. Full of resentment, they want to undo all we have done on the drugs crisis, to bring back the old war on drugs, and worse".
Santos's years have been marked by social progress: huge spending on poor districts in the former narco-bastion of Medellín and legislation for the restitution of land to those who were expelled from it by paramilitaries and Farc. "Colombia is a fairly rich nation and yet it still has one third of citizens living in poverty and four million of them in extreme poverty. This is completely unacceptable," said Rodríguez. "But we have taken 2.5 million Colombians out of poverty and 1.3 million from extreme poverty – something no government has ever done in Colombia. We have operated a social democracy, in place of the military economy that an Uribe-run government would bring back. We are trying to grow for the general prosperity, they want prosperity for just a few business people in their entourage."Santos's years have been marked by social progress: huge spending on poor districts in the former narco-bastion of Medellín and legislation for the restitution of land to those who were expelled from it by paramilitaries and Farc. "Colombia is a fairly rich nation and yet it still has one third of citizens living in poverty and four million of them in extreme poverty. This is completely unacceptable," said Rodríguez. "But we have taken 2.5 million Colombians out of poverty and 1.3 million from extreme poverty – something no government has ever done in Colombia. We have operated a social democracy, in place of the military economy that an Uribe-run government would bring back. We are trying to grow for the general prosperity, they want prosperity for just a few business people in their entourage."
Sunday's vote is expected to be neck and neck. "The bad news," said Rodríguez, "is that many people fear Farc so much they've been taken in by a campaign of manipulation of a kind I've never seen during the 56 years of my lifetime – Uribe has sent 25,000 tweets of accusations and lies.Sunday's vote is expected to be neck and neck. "The bad news," said Rodríguez, "is that many people fear Farc so much they've been taken in by a campaign of manipulation of a kind I've never seen during the 56 years of my lifetime – Uribe has sent 25,000 tweets of accusations and lies.
"Uribe is a good communicator, a populist, charismatic – and, full of anger and resentment, he wants power back and we all know that Zuluaga would be his puppet – giving comfort to the extreme rightwing, and people who made fortunes from the war"."Uribe is a good communicator, a populist, charismatic – and, full of anger and resentment, he wants power back and we all know that Zuluaga would be his puppet – giving comfort to the extreme rightwing, and people who made fortunes from the war".
The future of the Santos presidency now potentially rests with the vote of the leftwing axis which came third in the first round and could hold the balance today.The future of the Santos presidency now potentially rests with the vote of the leftwing axis which came third in the first round and could hold the balance today.
The Polo alliance is led by a dynamic new leader, Clara López: "It is mind-boggling to think that people can even contemplate a return to the Uribe nexus," she said, "whatever kind of good face they put on themselves."The Polo alliance is led by a dynamic new leader, Clara López: "It is mind-boggling to think that people can even contemplate a return to the Uribe nexus," she said, "whatever kind of good face they put on themselves."
Her party is divided, however, between those who refuse to vote for Santos, preferring a so-called "blanco" – neither of the above – option, and her own majority faction, which, appalled by the prospect of an Uribe redux, has campaigned publicly for Santos during the runoff. "This time," she said, "Santos knows that if he gets elected, it will be thanks to the left, not the right as last time.Her party is divided, however, between those who refuse to vote for Santos, preferring a so-called "blanco" – neither of the above – option, and her own majority faction, which, appalled by the prospect of an Uribe redux, has campaigned publicly for Santos during the runoff. "This time," she said, "Santos knows that if he gets elected, it will be thanks to the left, not the right as last time.
"I do not agree with President Santos, but I do agree with him on the two crucial issues of the peace process and relations with our neighbours: not to interfere in the affairs of Equador, Venezuela and Bolivia [which have governments to which the Colombian left is sympathetic]. "As I said to my committee," said López, "don't ask me to choose between my party, which I love, and my country which I love more."," said Rodriguez "is so much harder to achieve than war, but we think we can at last make it happen for this country, given the chance. What a catastrophe it would be to slide back from that position.""I do not agree with President Santos, but I do agree with him on the two crucial issues of the peace process and relations with our neighbours: not to interfere in the affairs of Equador, Venezuela and Bolivia [which have governments to which the Colombian left is sympathetic]. "As I said to my committee," said López, "don't ask me to choose between my party, which I love, and my country which I love more."," said Rodriguez "is so much harder to achieve than war, but we think we can at last make it happen for this country, given the chance. What a catastrophe it would be to slide back from that position."