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British Prime Minister to Undertake a Calculated Risk in Bucking Brussels British Prime Minister to Undertake a Calculated Risk in Bucking Brussels
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LONDON — Prime Minister David Cameron of Britain, recently described by a former adviser to his Conservative Party as “a sphinx without a riddle,” has set himself up for a highly public failure this week, as other European leaders look set to ignore his strident opposition and select an old Brussels hand, Jean-Claude Juncker, as the next head of the powerful European Commission. LONDON — Prime Minister David Cameron of Britain, recently described by a former adviser to his Conservative Party as “a sphinx without a riddle,” has set himself up for a highly public failure this week, as other European leaders look set to ignore his strident opposition and select an old Brussels hand, Jean-Claude Juncker, as the next head of the powerful European Commission.
It will be a defeat for Mr. Cameron on numerous levels, leaving him at risk of looking weak at home and isolated abroad, and leading many to question his diplomatic skills and judgment.It will be a defeat for Mr. Cameron on numerous levels, leaving him at risk of looking weak at home and isolated abroad, and leading many to question his diplomatic skills and judgment.
Yet seen from the hothouse of British politics, where Mr. Cameron is fighting the anti-Europe wing of his own party and the anti-Brussels populism of the U.K. Independence Party with national elections next May, his stance is less perplexing. Principled opposition to an appointment of a Brussels retread at odds with his government’s hopes of negotiating a new relationship with the European Union may be better for Mr. Cameron than submitting passively to what many in Europe view as a power grab by the European Parliament.Yet seen from the hothouse of British politics, where Mr. Cameron is fighting the anti-Europe wing of his own party and the anti-Brussels populism of the U.K. Independence Party with national elections next May, his stance is less perplexing. Principled opposition to an appointment of a Brussels retread at odds with his government’s hopes of negotiating a new relationship with the European Union may be better for Mr. Cameron than submitting passively to what many in Europe view as a power grab by the European Parliament.
“I will go on thinking it is wrong right up until the end,” Mr. Cameron said last week. His aides say that he will force his fellow leaders to vote on Mr. Juncker at this week’s European Union summit meeting, a provocative step at a gathering where decisions are usually reached by consensus after bargaining.“I will go on thinking it is wrong right up until the end,” Mr. Cameron said last week. His aides say that he will force his fellow leaders to vote on Mr. Juncker at this week’s European Union summit meeting, a provocative step at a gathering where decisions are usually reached by consensus after bargaining.
The summit is to start in Ypres, Belgium, the site of some of the bloodiest fighting in World War I, just ahead of the 100th anniversary of the start of the conflict, in what was meant to be a symbol of European reconciliation. If he forces a vote on Mr. Juncker, Mr. Cameron will not endear himself to the other leaders, especially not to Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany, whose help Mr. Cameron will still need if he is to succeed in changing Britain’s relationship with the European Union.The summit is to start in Ypres, Belgium, the site of some of the bloodiest fighting in World War I, just ahead of the 100th anniversary of the start of the conflict, in what was meant to be a symbol of European reconciliation. If he forces a vote on Mr. Juncker, Mr. Cameron will not endear himself to the other leaders, especially not to Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany, whose help Mr. Cameron will still need if he is to succeed in changing Britain’s relationship with the European Union.
If re-elected next year, Mr. Cameron has promised a referendum on whether Britain should remain in the bloc.If re-elected next year, Mr. Cameron has promised a referendum on whether Britain should remain in the bloc.
The predicament with Mr. Juncker, a European federalist who would replace José Manuel Barroso, is another reminder of the power of European Union institutions, the momentum of existing bureaucracy and, these days, the indispensability of Germany, without whose support nothing important happens in Brussels.The predicament with Mr. Juncker, a European federalist who would replace José Manuel Barroso, is another reminder of the power of European Union institutions, the momentum of existing bureaucracy and, these days, the indispensability of Germany, without whose support nothing important happens in Brussels.
But it is also a response, Mr. Juncker’s supporters argue, to the perceived “democratic deficit” of the European Union. Mr. Juncker, a former prime minister of Luxembourg, is the candidate of the center-right parties in the European Parliament, which promoted the idea during last month’s European elections that the winning party would also capture the presidency. In the past, national leaders have selected the commission president.But it is also a response, Mr. Juncker’s supporters argue, to the perceived “democratic deficit” of the European Union. Mr. Juncker, a former prime minister of Luxembourg, is the candidate of the center-right parties in the European Parliament, which promoted the idea during last month’s European elections that the winning party would also capture the presidency. In the past, national leaders have selected the commission president.
To a great degree the dilemma is Mr. Cameron’s fault, even though it was Ms. Merkel, no fan of Mr. Juncker, who had promised Mr. Cameron that the commission presidency would go to someone else. Ms. Merkel then found that for her own domestic political reasons, caught in her own coalition with the Social Democrats, she could not follow through on her vow.To a great degree the dilemma is Mr. Cameron’s fault, even though it was Ms. Merkel, no fan of Mr. Juncker, who had promised Mr. Cameron that the commission presidency would go to someone else. Ms. Merkel then found that for her own domestic political reasons, caught in her own coalition with the Social Democrats, she could not follow through on her vow.
Ms. Merkel has found it difficult to go against a German consensus that the choice of Mr. Juncker represents a democratic vote, even as Mr. Cameron argued that Mr. Juncker appeared on no Pan-European ballot and that the national leaders should not forfeit their right to choose. Still, even the Polish foreign minister, Radoslaw Sikorski, a friend to the British, said Sunday, “The rules of democracy are that the largest party gets the top job.”Ms. Merkel has found it difficult to go against a German consensus that the choice of Mr. Juncker represents a democratic vote, even as Mr. Cameron argued that Mr. Juncker appeared on no Pan-European ballot and that the national leaders should not forfeit their right to choose. Still, even the Polish foreign minister, Radoslaw Sikorski, a friend to the British, said Sunday, “The rules of democracy are that the largest party gets the top job.”
Jan Techau, a German who is the director of Carnegie Europe, a research group, said Mr. Cameron’s “reform agenda for Europe is, by and large, the right one, and most people would agree with it.”Jan Techau, a German who is the director of Carnegie Europe, a research group, said Mr. Cameron’s “reform agenda for Europe is, by and large, the right one, and most people would agree with it.”
But Mr. Cameron’s approach has two flaws, Mr. Techau said. “He tries to leverage British power to get results, often in a clumsy way,” and he believes that Britain can achieve a far-reaching economic overhaul of the European Union, including a more vibrant single market, “without the political framework and integration to support it,” he said.But Mr. Cameron’s approach has two flaws, Mr. Techau said. “He tries to leverage British power to get results, often in a clumsy way,” and he believes that Britain can achieve a far-reaching economic overhaul of the European Union, including a more vibrant single market, “without the political framework and integration to support it,” he said.
Mr. Cameron “is right to point out the parliamentary power grab,” Mr. Techau said. “But he did it in a do-or-die way — my way or the highway — that is fundamentally un-European.”Mr. Cameron “is right to point out the parliamentary power grab,” Mr. Techau said. “But he did it in a do-or-die way — my way or the highway — that is fundamentally un-European.”
The European Parliament, the only European institution elected in a Pan-European vote, claims a higher democratic legitimacy and wants more power. It is dominated by the center-right and the center-left. The current Parliament president, Martin Schulz of Germany, a Social Democrat, had the idea that the largest bloc to emerge from last month’s European parliamentary elections should, as in most national parliaments, have the right to name a candidate for president of the commission, the powerful European Union bureaucracy.The European Parliament, the only European institution elected in a Pan-European vote, claims a higher democratic legitimacy and wants more power. It is dominated by the center-right and the center-left. The current Parliament president, Martin Schulz of Germany, a Social Democrat, had the idea that the largest bloc to emerge from last month’s European parliamentary elections should, as in most national parliaments, have the right to name a candidate for president of the commission, the powerful European Union bureaucracy.
Mr. Schulz, the candidate of his center-left bloc, thought he would win, but in fact the center-right, known as the group of the European People’s Party, did. And it had grudgingly agreed on Mr. Juncker, 59. Ms. Merkel, whose party is at the heart of the European People’s Party, went along, apparently judging that it all could be resolved later.Mr. Schulz, the candidate of his center-left bloc, thought he would win, but in fact the center-right, known as the group of the European People’s Party, did. And it had grudgingly agreed on Mr. Juncker, 59. Ms. Merkel, whose party is at the heart of the European People’s Party, went along, apparently judging that it all could be resolved later.
While national leaders always chose the commission president in horse trading for other important jobs, under new rules the Parliament must confirm the choice. So Mr. Schulz and the Parliament insisted that the national leaders would have to endorse the democratic decision of the European voters and pick the candidate of the leading bloc — Mr. Juncker.While national leaders always chose the commission president in horse trading for other important jobs, under new rules the Parliament must confirm the choice. So Mr. Schulz and the Parliament insisted that the national leaders would have to endorse the democratic decision of the European voters and pick the candidate of the leading bloc — Mr. Juncker.
But Mr. Cameron’s problems started sooner. A supporter of Britain remaining in the European Union, his efforts to manage fierce euro-skepticism within his own Conservative Party have led to risky compromises, most importantly the promise of the referendum. He will want to argue — as Prime Minister Harold Wilson of Britain did in 1975, the time of the last such referendum — that Britain had gained a better deal from the bloc. Mr. Wilson won his bet handily; it’s not clear that Mr. Cameron would be able to pull off the same outcome.But Mr. Cameron’s problems started sooner. A supporter of Britain remaining in the European Union, his efforts to manage fierce euro-skepticism within his own Conservative Party have led to risky compromises, most importantly the promise of the referendum. He will want to argue — as Prime Minister Harold Wilson of Britain did in 1975, the time of the last such referendum — that Britain had gained a better deal from the bloc. Mr. Wilson won his bet handily; it’s not clear that Mr. Cameron would be able to pull off the same outcome.
But it was an earlier decision that haunts Mr. Cameron. As a sop to the euro-skeptics in his party, he pulled the Conservatives out of the European People’s Party group, infuriating Ms. Merkel, and put them into a smaller one. So Mr. Cameron, who might have quashed Mr. Juncker’s candidacy early on, had no standing to do so.But it was an earlier decision that haunts Mr. Cameron. As a sop to the euro-skeptics in his party, he pulled the Conservatives out of the European People’s Party group, infuriating Ms. Merkel, and put them into a smaller one. So Mr. Cameron, who might have quashed Mr. Juncker’s candidacy early on, had no standing to do so.
As the British press, always happy to remind readers of World War II, features cartoons and satirical asides about the Nazi Luftwaffe and its “Juncker” bombers, Mr. Cameron travels to Ypres to argue that a vote for Mr. Juncker will help euro-skeptics and make a British exit from the European Union more likely. Whatever the “Tory Brownie points” Mr. Cameron gets, The Sunday Times of London said, “the outcome is, however, a defeat,” and Mr. Juncker “will be seen by voters as a block on Mr. Cameron’s E.U. strategy.”As the British press, always happy to remind readers of World War II, features cartoons and satirical asides about the Nazi Luftwaffe and its “Juncker” bombers, Mr. Cameron travels to Ypres to argue that a vote for Mr. Juncker will help euro-skeptics and make a British exit from the European Union more likely. Whatever the “Tory Brownie points” Mr. Cameron gets, The Sunday Times of London said, “the outcome is, however, a defeat,” and Mr. Juncker “will be seen by voters as a block on Mr. Cameron’s E.U. strategy.”