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Hunt for missing Israeli boys stirs up familiar recriminations Hunt for missing Israeli boys stirs up familiar recriminations
(about 3 hours later)
Not far from Etzion Junction, where three Israeli teenagers – Naftali Frankel, Gilad Shaar and Eyal Yifrah – were kidnapped a fortnight ago, a large white plastic banner has been hung displaying the boys' faces. It is an image that has become ubiquitous in Israel in the past two weeks. Not far from Gush Etzion junction, where three Israeli teenagers – Naftali Frankel, Gilad Sha'ar and Eyal Yifrah – were kidnapped a fortnight ago is a large white plastic banner displaying the boys' faces. It is an image that has become ubiquitous in Israel in the past two weeks.
Further into the southern West Bank, in the village of Dura outside Hebron, there is another poster, this time hung outside a house. Further into the southern West Bank, in the village of Dura, outside Hebron, there hangs a different poster, with another boy's face. He is not much younger than two of the missing Israelis 15-year-old Mohammed Dudeen who was shot through the heart after climbing out of his bedroom window to join a stone-throwing demonstration against a raid in his village by Israeli soldiers looking for the missing teenagers.
It is another boy's face, not much younger than two of the missing Israelis 15-year-old Mohammed Dudeen who was shot through the heart after climbing out of his bedroom window to join a stone-throwing demonstration against a raid in his village by Israeli soldiers looking for the missing teenagers. Dudeen is one of five Palestinians killed during the Israeli army's massive manhunt, a search that has seen hundreds arrested and the whole city of Hebron put under military closure, with most entrances to the city sealed off, stopping day workers and business people from entering and leaving.
Dudeen is one of five Palestinians who have been killed so far during the Israeli army's massive manhunt, a search that has seen hundreds arrested and the whole city of Hebron put under military closure, sealing off most entrances to the city, stopping day workers and business people from entering and leaving. Amid strong indications that the military operation in its current form might be winding down, the past two weeks have posed as many questions as they have answered. No one has claimed responsibility, although Israel blames Hamas, which has been threatening to kidnap Israelis to trade for prisoners. Last night Israel identified two alleged Hamas members as the central suspects in the abduction. The Shin Bet security service said Marwan Qawasmeh and Amer Abu Aisha are Hamas activists based in Hebron.
Amid strong indications that the military operation in its current form may be winding down, the last two weeks have posed as many questions as they have answered. No one has claimed responsibility although Israel blames Hamas, which has been threatening to kidnap Israelis to trade for prisoners. But with no word on the fate of the missing boys, a familiar cycle of recriminations has begun, with the kidnapping becoming as much about the politics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as about an effort to find them.
With no word on the fate of the missing boys, a familiar cycle of recriminations has begun, as the kidnapping has become as much about the politics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as about an effort to locate them. UN Watch an NGO, which among other things monitors the United Nations for perceived anti-Israel bias last week flew the mothers of the missing youths to address the UN's Human Rights Council, where Rachel Frankel, mother of 16-year-old Naftali, complained not enough was being done internationally to bring back the boys.
Last week UN Watch – an NGO, one of whose main focuses is to monitor the United Nations for perceived anti-Israel bias – flew the mothers of the missing youths to address the UN's Human Rights Council, where Rachel Frankel, mother of 16-year-old Naftali, complained not enough was being done internationally to bring back the boys.
On the Palestinian side, both in statements and on social media, there has been a similar complaint: that the Palestinian deaths and arrests and "collective punishment" have been ignored.On the Palestinian side, both in statements and on social media, there has been a similar complaint: that the Palestinian deaths and arrests and "collective punishment" have been ignored.
Amid the recriminations other critical questions have been thrown up: how much of the massive search operation has been about locating the missing teenagers and how much of it has been directed at trying – not for the first time – to smash Hamas on the West Bank, who the Israeli prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, blames for the kidnapping. Amid the recriminations, other critical questions have been thrown up. How much of the search operation has been about finding the boys and how much of it has been directed at trying – not for the first time – to smash Hamas on the West Bank, whom Binyamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, holds responsible?
The febrile politics swirling around the issue of the kidnapping have sucked in other issues too, not least the increasingly acrimonious debate over deals to release Palestinian prisoners, including those freed in exchange for Hamas's release of the Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit. More than 50 of those prisoners have been re-arrested in the wake of the abduction. The febrile politics swirling around the kidnapping have sucked in other issues too, not least the increasingly acrimonious debate over deals to release Palestinian prisoners, including those freed in exchange for Hamas's release of the Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit. More than 50 of those prisoners have been re-arrested in the wake of the abduction.
"There are two points to this," a senior Israeli officer told the Guardian a week ago. "To bring back the missing boys – who are citizens not soldiers – and find those responsible. The second part of the campaign is not new; it is to target Hamas, a terrorist organisation sitting in Gaza which is trying to re-establish in the West Bank.""There are two points to this," a senior Israeli officer told the Guardian a week ago. "To bring back the missing boys – who are citizens not soldiers – and find those responsible. The second part of the campaign is not new; it is to target Hamas, a terrorist organisation sitting in Gaza which is trying to re-establish in the West Bank."
In that second sentiment he echoed the words of the Israeli army chief of staff Benny Gantz, who has also said the aim is "to damage Hamas as much as possible". That operation has seen the Israeli army swamp the West Bank, around Hebron in particular, with three brigades.In that second sentiment he echoed the words of the Israeli army chief of staff Benny Gantz, who has also said the aim is "to damage Hamas as much as possible". That operation has seen the Israeli army swamp the West Bank, around Hebron in particular, with three brigades.
While many of those who have been arrested are figures associated with Hamas, politically and otherwise, who have spent time in Israeli prisons before, some of the targets have been surprising. The Israeli army has raided universities and media offices including This Week in Palestine a dairy and a Coca-Cola plant, swamping Palestinian towns and villages in numbers unprecedented in recent years. While many of those who have been arrested are figures associated with Hamas, politically or otherwise, and have spent time in Israeli prisons, some of the targets have been surprising. The Israeli army has raided universities and media offices, including This Week in Palestine, a dairy and a Coca-Cola plant, swamping Palestinian towns and villages in numbers unprecedented in recent years.
By the end of the operation, it is envisaged, the number of Palestinians in administrative detention without trial will have doubled to almost 400; the city of Hebron alone will have lost income in the order of $10m for each day it has been closed. By the end of the operation, it is envisaged, the number of Palestinians in detention without trial will have doubled to almost 400; the city of Hebron alone will have lost income in the order of $10m for each day it has been closed.
What is not clear is what this larger part of the operation – separate from the hunt from the missing teens – is designed to achieve.What is not clear is what this larger part of the operation – separate from the hunt from the missing teens – is designed to achieve.
Hamas members have been rounded up en masse before, seven years ago, while Gaza has survived two large military campaigns, emerging stronger both times from the conflict.Hamas members have been rounded up en masse before, seven years ago, while Gaza has survived two large military campaigns, emerging stronger both times from the conflict.
In the village of Shiyookh, outside Hebron, Sameera al-Hayaqa, elected as a member of the Palestinian Legislative Council with the Hamas-associated Change and Reform party, is sceptical how much Hamas will be damaged.In the village of Shiyookh, outside Hebron, Sameera al-Hayaqa, elected as a member of the Palestinian Legislative Council with the Hamas-associated Change and Reform party, is sceptical how much Hamas will be damaged.
"I'm speaking for myself," she says carefully, "not for Hamas or Change and Reform. This is my personal opinion. But these actions have been done by Israel before. Perhaps not so vividly on the West Bank as now. It did not have much effect. Why? Because Hamas is a popular movement."I'm speaking for myself," she says carefully, "not for Hamas or Change and Reform. This is my personal opinion. But these actions have been done by Israel before. Perhaps not so vividly on the West Bank as now. It did not have much effect. Why? Because Hamas is a popular movement.
"We also knew that from the moment reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas became a serious prospect [the Palestinian president] Mahmoud Abbas would come under serious [Israeli] pressure to make that reconciliation fail. That is what this campaign is largely about – destroying the unity government."We also knew that from the moment reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas became a serious prospect [the Palestinian president] Mahmoud Abbas would come under serious [Israeli] pressure to make that reconciliation fail. That is what this campaign is largely about – destroying the unity government.
"And while we have seen the mothers of the missing Israelis allowed to speak at the UN, who speaks for the Palestinians in prison and the five killed in the last two weeks?""And while we have seen the mothers of the missing Israelis allowed to speak at the UN, who speaks for the Palestinians in prison and the five killed in the last two weeks?"
Officials in the Palestine Liberation Organisation and Fatah paint a similar picture, conceding that behind the scenes the kidnapping and the subsequent military operation have created tensions in the inner circle around Mahmoud Abbas.Officials in the Palestine Liberation Organisation and Fatah paint a similar picture, conceding that behind the scenes the kidnapping and the subsequent military operation have created tensions in the inner circle around Mahmoud Abbas.
Abbas himself in a speech at the Organisation of the Islamic Conference in Saudi Arabia accused those behind the abduction of "wanting to destroy us". Abbas, in a speech at the Organisation of the Islamic Conference in Saudi Arabia, accused those behind the abduction of "wanting to destroy us".
"It is no secret that there were some who disagreed with reconciliation with Hamas," said one. Indeed, according to some officials the split has been between a group of largely civilian advisers in favour of the unity government and Palestinian security officials who were against. "There have been tensions behind the scenes, but we have been through this before and there is a recognition that that is what the Israeli campaign is designed to achieve, to weaken Abbas and the Palestinian government. "It is no secret that there were some who disagreed with reconciliation with Hamas," said one. Indeed, according to some officials, the split has been between a group of largely civilian advisers in favour of the unity government and Palestinian security officials who were against. "There have been tensions behind the scenes, but we have been through this before and there is a recognition that that is what the Israeli campaign is designed to achieve, to weaken Abbas and the Palestinian government.
"When Israel tried this model before in Gaza, hitting it hard militarily, it didn't work. Instead the only time Palestinians turned against Hamas is when the action of Arab governments meant Hamas stopped paying the bills.""When Israel tried this model before in Gaza, hitting it hard militarily, it didn't work. Instead the only time Palestinians turned against Hamas is when the action of Arab governments meant Hamas stopped paying the bills."
Writing in +972 magazine Julie Norman, a Canadian political scientist based in Jerusalem, was even more blunt last week, questioning how much it had helped Israel security interests or the search for those missing. Writing in +972 magazine, Julie Norman, a Canadian political scientist based in Jerusalem, was even more blunt last week, questioning how much it had helped Israel security interests or the search for those missing.
"The situation has created a dynamic in which Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas and the PA are losing credibility, while emboldening the image of Hamas. This will only complicate any future attempts at negotiations as the PA's already waning support further declines.""The situation has created a dynamic in which Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas and the PA are losing credibility, while emboldening the image of Hamas. This will only complicate any future attempts at negotiations as the PA's already waning support further declines."
It appears too that as the operation has gone on, Netanyahu has been increasingly constrained over its scope, with members of his own cabinet and senior military officers both reportedly warning that continuing the operation at the current level risks igniting a third intifada while at the same time fatally weakening Abbas's Palestinian Authority. It appears too that, as the operation has gone on, Netanyahu has been increasingly constrained over its scope, with members of his cabinet and senior military officers reportedly warning that continuing the operation at the current level risks igniting a third intifada while at the same time fatally weakening Abbas's Palestinian Authority.
And with many of the "usual suspects" already rounded up Israel's security forces appear to be running out of targets. And, with many of the "usual suspects" already rounded up, Israel's security forces appear to be running out of targets.
Despite the official insistence that the aim is to recover the missing teenagers alive, the focus of the search, including draining underground cisterns, and recent comments have suggested a less optimistic outcome. Despite the official insistence that the aim is to recover the missing teenagers alive, the focus of the search, including draining underground cisterns, and recent comments suggest a less optimistic outcome.
And one thing has become increasingly inescapable in recent weeks, even before the kidnapping occurred: how, as tension has ratcheted up again, so many of the recent victims on both sides have been children and adolescents. One fact has become increasingly inescapable in recent weeks, even before the kidnapping: how, as tension has ratcheted up again, so many of the recent victims on both sides have been children and adolescents.
Speaking at the UN in Geneva last week Rachel Frankel underlined this point. "My son Naftali is 16," she said movingly. "He loves to play guitar and basketball. He's a good student and a good boy – a combination of serious and fun. Eyal loves to play sports and cook. Gilad is an amateur pastry chef, and loves movies. Speaking at the UN in Geneva last week, Rachel Frankel underlined this point. "My son Naftali is 16," she said. "He loves to play guitar and basketball. He's a good student and a good boy – a combination of serious and fun. Eyal loves to play sports and cook. Gilad is an amateur pastry chef, and loves movies.
"My son texted me – said he's on his way home – and then he's gone. Every mother's nightmare is waiting and waiting endlessly for her child to come home.""My son texted me – said he's on his way home – and then he's gone. Every mother's nightmare is waiting and waiting endlessly for her child to come home."
In his house in Dura, Mohammed Dudeen's father Jihad, a day labourer in Israel who like many has been unable to work since the closure, knows his own son will never be coming home again, a boy with different enthusiasms, but a boy – and a lost son – still the same. In his house in Dura, Mohammed Dudeen's father Jihad, a day labourer in Israel who, like many, has been unable to work since the closure, knows his son will never be coming home again, a boy with different enthusiasms, but a boy – and a lost son – still the same.
"We were building a top floor on the house so Mohammed could keep pigeons there. I told him to get an early night so we could get up early to finish the work. But he heard the soldiers outside his window and climbed out even though his sister tried to stop him."We were building a top floor on the house so Mohammed could keep pigeons there. I told him to get an early night so we could get up early to finish the work. But he heard the soldiers outside his window and climbed out even though his sister tried to stop him.
"The soldiers were leaving and boys were throwing stones. He was sitting watching by the bus stop when the soldiers shot him.""The soldiers were leaving and boys were throwing stones. He was sitting watching by the bus stop when the soldiers shot him."