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| Huge Crowds Turn Out for Hong Kong Pro-Democracy March | |
| (35 minutes later) | |
| HONG KONG — A huge throng of people, mostly young, began a pro-democracy march Tuesday from Hong Kong’s largest urban park to the heart of the city, defying Beijing’s dwindling tolerance for challenges to its control. | |
| The march, held each year on the anniversary of Hong Kong’s return to Chinese sovereignty in 1997, comes days after nearly 800,000 residents participated in an informal vote on making the selection of the city’s top official more democratic, an exercise that Beijing dismissed as illegal. It also follows the release last month of a so-called white paper that reasserted the central government’s authority over the semiautonomous territory. | |
| As a nearly solid river of protesters poured peacefully out of Victoria Park, moving down the westbound lanes of a broad avenue, buses brought dozens of additional police officers in bright green vests as reinforcements. At 4 p.m., the police closed the streetcar lines that run down the middle of the avenue to relieve severe overcrowding — a move that the police had resisted taking in past marches, but allowed during the one in 2003 that has been Hong Kong’s largest demonstration for local democracy until now. | |
| More than an hour after the demonstrators began leaving Victoria Park, its six concrete soccer fields and nearby walking areas remained full of people, and a nearby street was still completely filled with people waiting to enter the park and join the protest. | |
| July 1 is a public holiday in Hong Kong, and large-scale protests on the date have become an annual tradition since 2003, when hundreds of thousands marched to protest plans by the local government to introduce stringent internal security regulations at Beijing’s request. Those plans were soon shelved and have not been revived. | |
| The 2003 march drew at least 500,000 people, according to organizers; the police said it peaked at 350,000. The march on Tuesday was visibly larger than a vigil held June 4 to mark the 25th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square crackdown, which drew 99,500 people, according to the police, and “over 180,000,” by organizers’ estimate. | |
| But it was not immediately possible to calculate whether the turnout Tuesday rivaled that in 2003. Tuesday’s march, like the one in 2003, was so large that it spilled out of Victoria Park and into adjacent streets in ways that made the total number harder to estimate. Organizers and the police did not have an immediate estimate. | |
| Democracy protesters and Beijing-appointed government officials alike have become more confrontational here recently. That has led many to predict that some kind of a showdown is inevitable, if not in the protest unfolding on Tuesday then in the coming months. | |
| Demonstrators are younger and less interested in legal compromises than Hong Kong protesters have been in the past. At the same time, Beijing’s local allies have also taken a harder line. They have echoed a shift in mainland China, where President Xi Jinping has ratcheted up detentions and prosecutions of human rights advocates and other activists, as well as allegedly corrupt officials, since assuming power in November 2012. | Demonstrators are younger and less interested in legal compromises than Hong Kong protesters have been in the past. At the same time, Beijing’s local allies have also taken a harder line. They have echoed a shift in mainland China, where President Xi Jinping has ratcheted up detentions and prosecutions of human rights advocates and other activists, as well as allegedly corrupt officials, since assuming power in November 2012. |
| Publicly suggesting that the People’s Liberation Army might intervene here was politically unacceptable until very recently, but it is now raised as a possibility by some of Beijing’s advisers. “A showdown is getting more and more inevitable by the day, and some degree of violence is imminent,” said Lau Nai-keung, one of Beijing’s most prominent allies in Hong Kong. “If worst comes to worst, the P.L.A. will come out of its barracks.” | Publicly suggesting that the People’s Liberation Army might intervene here was politically unacceptable until very recently, but it is now raised as a possibility by some of Beijing’s advisers. “A showdown is getting more and more inevitable by the day, and some degree of violence is imminent,” said Lau Nai-keung, one of Beijing’s most prominent allies in Hong Kong. “If worst comes to worst, the P.L.A. will come out of its barracks.” |
| Mr. Lau is one of the six Hong Kong members of the Basic Law Committee, a group under the National People’s Congress Standing Committee in Beijing that sets policies relating to Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, the Basic Law. | Mr. Lau is one of the six Hong Kong members of the Basic Law Committee, a group under the National People’s Congress Standing Committee in Beijing that sets policies relating to Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, the Basic Law. |
| Anson Chan, a prominent democracy advocate who was the second-highest official in the Hong Kong government in the years immediately before and after Britain returned it to Chinese sovereignty, said it was conceivable that a few radicals might cause violence during the demonstration on Tuesday. But she voiced more concern that the government might plant provocateurs in the crowd to stage violent incidents in the hope of turning public opinion against democracy demands. | |
| “I don’t put it beyond the pro-Beijing forces to plant troublemakers,” she said. | “I don’t put it beyond the pro-Beijing forces to plant troublemakers,” she said. |
| As the march got underway, the crowds of people surging toward Victoria Park threatened to clog the nearby Tin Hau and Causeway Bay subway stations. Many were in their teens and 20s, some carrying posters demanding genuine universal suffrage. | |
| Several people said they had made a special effort to come to this year’s march, despite having stayed away in past years. “It’s because of the actions done by the Chinese government,” said Ian Tseng, an office worker in his 20s. “The white paper, everything, makes us all feel unhappy,” he said. | |
| The Tsuen Wan Line subway route was picking up more passengers as it approached Hong Kong Island from Kowloon and the New Territories. Groups of families, everyone with a backpack, were heading to Victoria Park. | |
| Among them was May Hui, 41, who was taking her two daughters, aged 15 and 10, to join the march. She said the so-called white paper was motivating her to come out this year to teach her children about peaceful demonstrations. “It is our right,” said Ms. Hui, a secondary school teacher. “I want to teach the kids to know what a march is.” | |
| “A lot of people are not satisfied.” | |
| The police here have a global reputation for managing large crowds peacefully. A former director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Robert S. Mueller III, said during his tenure that the United States had learned from Hong Kong’s crowd-control methods. | The police here have a global reputation for managing large crowds peacefully. A former director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Robert S. Mueller III, said during his tenure that the United States had learned from Hong Kong’s crowd-control methods. |
| In an incident Tuesday that highlighted the police’s diplomacy in handling protests, a demonstrator who leapt atop a rickety steel barrier to hang a small banner from a street sign was stabilized there by a female police officer and several colleagues. They braced the protester’s legs to make sure she did not fall, then cheerfully persuaded her to climb down after several minutes, and helped her do so. | In an incident Tuesday that highlighted the police’s diplomacy in handling protests, a demonstrator who leapt atop a rickety steel barrier to hang a small banner from a street sign was stabilized there by a female police officer and several colleagues. They braced the protester’s legs to make sure she did not fall, then cheerfully persuaded her to climb down after several minutes, and helped her do so. |
| The 2003 protest was notable in that no one was arrested, and there were no reported incidents of vandalism or other crimes — an outcome that very few other cities could match if a similar-size crowd of dissatisfied people took to the streets. Even luxury retailers like the Van Cleef & Arpels jewelry store did not pull down steel shutters over their windows during the march. | The 2003 protest was notable in that no one was arrested, and there were no reported incidents of vandalism or other crimes — an outcome that very few other cities could match if a similar-size crowd of dissatisfied people took to the streets. Even luxury retailers like the Van Cleef & Arpels jewelry store did not pull down steel shutters over their windows during the march. |
| The peaceful nature of that demonstration was dictated, to a considerable extent, by the participation of people of all ages. Many of the 2003 protesters — like Paul Chan, then a 45-year-old construction worker, and Sarah Ng, a 67-year-old seamstress — had never attended a demonstration before, not even the large Hong Kong protest in 1989 in response to the Tiananmen Square crackdown. | The peaceful nature of that demonstration was dictated, to a considerable extent, by the participation of people of all ages. Many of the 2003 protesters — like Paul Chan, then a 45-year-old construction worker, and Sarah Ng, a 67-year-old seamstress — had never attended a demonstration before, not even the large Hong Kong protest in 1989 in response to the Tiananmen Square crackdown. |
| By contrast, Hong Kong’s democracy movement now is being steered much more by the young, and sometimes by the very young. | By contrast, Hong Kong’s democracy movement now is being steered much more by the young, and sometimes by the very young. |
| “We believe to change society, we need not our words to appeal to politicians but to use activism to pressure them,” said Joshua Wong, the 17-year-old leader of Scholarism, a student activist group. | “We believe to change society, we need not our words to appeal to politicians but to use activism to pressure them,” said Joshua Wong, the 17-year-old leader of Scholarism, a student activist group. |
| High inequality in income and wealth and a lack of economic opportunities for the young appear to have increased discontent here, leaders across the political spectrum agree. Government statistics show that unemployment stood this spring at 10.9 percent for residents aged 15 to 19, and 4.6 percent for those aged 20 to 29. But many critics contend that the real rate is much higher. | High inequality in income and wealth and a lack of economic opportunities for the young appear to have increased discontent here, leaders across the political spectrum agree. Government statistics show that unemployment stood this spring at 10.9 percent for residents aged 15 to 19, and 4.6 percent for those aged 20 to 29. But many critics contend that the real rate is much higher. |
| A local newspaper documented last year that census officers were rewarded based on the number of interviews they conducted and that they may have tried to persuade people not to say that they were unemployed, because it would prolong the interview. The government began a review of its methods. | A local newspaper documented last year that census officers were rewarded based on the number of interviews they conducted and that they may have tried to persuade people not to say that they were unemployed, because it would prolong the interview. The government began a review of its methods. |
| The protests Tuesday began early in the morning, during the annual flag-raising ceremony to mark the anniversary of the return to Chinese rule. A small crowd on a nearby road carried a black coffin, labeled to signify the death of the “one country, two systems” approach that symbolizes Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy. | The protests Tuesday began early in the morning, during the annual flag-raising ceremony to mark the anniversary of the return to Chinese rule. A small crowd on a nearby road carried a black coffin, labeled to signify the death of the “one country, two systems” approach that symbolizes Hong Kong’s high degree of autonomy. |
| China had pledged in a bilateral agreement with Britain in 1984 to respect a high degree of autonomy in Hong Kong after the 1997 handover. But in the so-called white paper released by Beijing last month, China’s cabinet glossed over that and emphasized that Hong Kong was a local unit of the People’s Republic of China — an assertion that appears to have fanned support here for greater democracy. | |
| Beijing has said that it “may” allow universal suffrage, the principle of one vote for each adult, in the next election for chief executive in 2017. But Beijing has made it clear that it wants to be able to vet those who appear on the ballot. | Beijing has said that it “may” allow universal suffrage, the principle of one vote for each adult, in the next election for chief executive in 2017. But Beijing has made it clear that it wants to be able to vet those who appear on the ballot. |
| Democracy advocates are divided on how far to go in challenging this. Groups like Scholarism are calling for “civil nomination,” in which the broader public would be able to nominate essentially anyone. Others, like Mrs. Chan, the former Hong Kong official, call for closely following the Basic Law, which specifies that a nomination committee control access to the ballot, but they want that committee structured in such a way that no one is excluded from seeking office. | Democracy advocates are divided on how far to go in challenging this. Groups like Scholarism are calling for “civil nomination,” in which the broader public would be able to nominate essentially anyone. Others, like Mrs. Chan, the former Hong Kong official, call for closely following the Basic Law, which specifies that a nomination committee control access to the ballot, but they want that committee structured in such a way that no one is excluded from seeking office. |
| A 1,200-member elections committee dominated by Beijing loyalists currently chooses the chief executive, who is then appointed to a five-year term by Beijing. | A 1,200-member elections committee dominated by Beijing loyalists currently chooses the chief executive, who is then appointed to a five-year term by Beijing. |
| Occupy Central With Love and Peace, another pro-democracy group, has been threatening to fill the streets of Hong Kong’s downtown later this year and engage in a campaign of civil disobedience until the government issues a broadly acceptable plan for greater democracy. The group held a vote last month in which nearly a quarter of Hong Kong’s registered voters chose to participate, selecting among three different options, all of which included civil nomination. | Occupy Central With Love and Peace, another pro-democracy group, has been threatening to fill the streets of Hong Kong’s downtown later this year and engage in a campaign of civil disobedience until the government issues a broadly acceptable plan for greater democracy. The group held a vote last month in which nearly a quarter of Hong Kong’s registered voters chose to participate, selecting among three different options, all of which included civil nomination. |
| “Not all of them would join the civil disobedience action, but I would say that all of them, at least they are sympathetic with the movement, with the civil disobedience action,” said Benny Tai, the leader of Occupy Central. “If the government refused to seriously consider the demand, this group of people, more of them will change from sympathetic to active support, and the sympathetic people may also start all kinds of noncooperative actions — and just think about how can a government govern if the whole society refuses to cooperate with you?” | “Not all of them would join the civil disobedience action, but I would say that all of them, at least they are sympathetic with the movement, with the civil disobedience action,” said Benny Tai, the leader of Occupy Central. “If the government refused to seriously consider the demand, this group of people, more of them will change from sympathetic to active support, and the sympathetic people may also start all kinds of noncooperative actions — and just think about how can a government govern if the whole society refuses to cooperate with you?” |
| The informal vote was held partly online, and it became the target of a large-scale attack, an Internet denial-of-service assault organized by a still-unknown entity. Mark Simon, the commercial director of Next Media, a pro-democracy conglomerate of newspaper, television and Internet businesses in Hong Kong and Taiwan, said that the company came under heavy online attack on Tuesday. | The informal vote was held partly online, and it became the target of a large-scale attack, an Internet denial-of-service assault organized by a still-unknown entity. Mark Simon, the commercial director of Next Media, a pro-democracy conglomerate of newspaper, television and Internet businesses in Hong Kong and Taiwan, said that the company came under heavy online attack on Tuesday. |
| Business groups have been caught in the middle of the political dispute, facing heavy pressure from the government to issue statements denouncing protesters, but also calls from the public to stand up for political rights. | Business groups have been caught in the middle of the political dispute, facing heavy pressure from the government to issue statements denouncing protesters, but also calls from the public to stand up for political rights. |
| The local offices of the so-called Big Four accounting firms — Deloitte, EY, KPMG and PricewaterhouseCoopers — took out a paid ad on Friday in local newspapers warning that the Occupy Central protest could disrupt the city’s financial sector. Each of the four declined to comment on Monday. | The local offices of the so-called Big Four accounting firms — Deloitte, EY, KPMG and PricewaterhouseCoopers — took out a paid ad on Friday in local newspapers warning that the Occupy Central protest could disrupt the city’s financial sector. Each of the four declined to comment on Monday. |
| Another ad appeared on Monday in the newspaper Apple Daily, which is published by Next Media. The ad was signed by “a group of Big 4 staff who love Hong Kong” and said that “the bosses’ statement” did not represent their views. | Another ad appeared on Monday in the newspaper Apple Daily, which is published by Next Media. The ad was signed by “a group of Big 4 staff who love Hong Kong” and said that “the bosses’ statement” did not represent their views. |