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Beijing’s Stance Has Democrats in Hong Kong Facing Tough Choices Democracy Backers in Hong Kong Face Tough Choices
(about 11 hours later)
HONG KONG — For more than a year, democrats in Hong Kong have threatened to disrupt the heart of Asia’s most important financial center with a sit-in protest if the central government in Beijing put onerous restrictions on a voting plan here. HONG KONG — For more than a year, Democrats in Hong Kong have threatened to disrupt Asia’s most important financial center with a sit-in protest if the central government in Beijing put onerous restrictions on a voting plan here.
China’s Communist Party-controlled legislature did just that on Sunday, so now the democracy movement must decide how to carry out its threat, even while the defeat of its immediate demand seems certain. China’s Communist Party-controlled legislature did just that on Sunday, so now the democracy movement must decide how to carry out its threat, even while the defeat of its immediate demand seemed certain.
Students and organizers will hold meetings in coming days to map out a plan of protracted protests, including student strikes, legislative obstruction and a sit-in in the city’s Central financial district, the tactic that gave a name to the main grass-roots opposition group, Occupy Central. They say they expect to be arrested for blocking major thoroughfares in the heart of Hong Kong, studded with gleaming skyscrapers bearing the names of such financial titans as the British bank HSBC, Citigroup and J.P. Morgan. Students and organizers will hold meetings in coming days to map out a plan of protracted protests, including student strikes, legislative obstruction and a sit-in in the city’s Central financial district, the tactic that gave name to the main grass-roots opposition group, Occupy Central. They said they expected to be arrested for blocking major thoroughfares in the heart of Hong Kong.
The movement will also have to confront difficult choices about how far to go. Much of the public in Hong Kong appears wary of confrontational actions that could damage the city’s reputation for order, but protests that are not disruptive may have little impact on international opinion and will be easier for the Chinese leadership and Hong Kong politicians to ignore. The movement will also have to confront difficult choices about how far to go. Much of the public in Hong Kong appears wary of confrontational actions that could damage the city’s reputation for order, but protests that are not disruptive might have little impact on international opinion and would be easier for the Chinese leadership and Hong Kong politicians to ignore.
Moreover, Beijing has left scant room for compromise: The Hong Kong legislature must now adopt a voting plan for the city’s leader based on Beijing’s directive or leave in place the current system in which the position is not popularly elected.Moreover, Beijing has left scant room for compromise: The Hong Kong legislature must now adopt a voting plan for the city’s leader based on Beijing’s directive or leave in place the current system in which the position is not popularly elected.
In the near future, the protests will achieve nothing, said Brian Fong Chi-hang, a political science scholar at the Hong Kong Institute of Education and a supporter of the democracy movement.In the near future, the protests will achieve nothing, said Brian Fong Chi-hang, a political science scholar at the Hong Kong Institute of Education and a supporter of the democracy movement.
“The most important challenge is that even if they succeed in mobilizing a large-scale Occupy Central movement in a peaceful and orderly manner, they will finally get nothing,” he said. “We cannot change anything.”“The most important challenge is that even if they succeed in mobilizing a large-scale Occupy Central movement in a peaceful and orderly manner, they will finally get nothing,” he said. “We cannot change anything.”
But leaders of the movement expect to wage a protracted struggle nonetheless. But leaders of the movement expected to wage a protracted struggle nonetheless.
“This is a long, long cause,” said Chan Kin-man, an associate professor of sociology at the Chinese University of Hong Kong and co-founder of the movement, known in full as Occupy Central With Love and Peace. “Civil disobedience is the starting point. Look at what happened in Martin Luther King’s case.”“This is a long, long cause,” said Chan Kin-man, an associate professor of sociology at the Chinese University of Hong Kong and co-founder of the movement, known in full as Occupy Central With Love and Peace. “Civil disobedience is the starting point. Look at what happened in Martin Luther King’s case.”
The Hong Kong democrats count the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Nelson Mandela and Mohandas K. Gandhi as inspirations for their nonviolent principles of protest. For their latter-day followers in Hong Kong, nonviolence offers practical as well as philosophical advantages. The Hong Kong Democrats count the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Nelson Mandela and Gandhi as inspirations for their nonviolent principles of protest. For their latter-day followers in Hong Kong, nonviolence offers both practical and philosophical advantages.
“If any violent actions happen in the Occupy Central movement, it will lose public support very rapidly,” Mr. Fong said.“If any violent actions happen in the Occupy Central movement, it will lose public support very rapidly,” Mr. Fong said.
But well-behaved protests may have little effect on Beijing and its Hong Kong allies. China’s government is no fan of Western democratic values, not prone to compromise and not known to be easily swayed by moral arguments. But well-behaved protests might have little effect on Beijing and its Hong Kong allies. China’s government is no fan of Western democratic values, not prone to compromise and not known to be easily swayed by moral arguments.
Beijing’s hard-line stance was reiterated on Monday by Li Fei, an official with China’s National People’s Congress who led deliberations on the electoral changes. “If we yield because some people threaten to commence radical, illegal activities, it would only result in more, bigger illegal activities,” he told legislators and politicians in Hong Kong.Beijing’s hard-line stance was reiterated on Monday by Li Fei, an official with China’s National People’s Congress who led deliberations on the electoral changes. “If we yield because some people threaten to commence radical, illegal activities, it would only result in more, bigger illegal activities,” he told legislators and politicians in Hong Kong.
In an early skirmish in this contest, he was heckled by pro-democracy demonstrators, scuffles broke out, and the police used pepper spray to disperse the crowd.In an early skirmish in this contest, he was heckled by pro-democracy demonstrators, scuffles broke out, and the police used pepper spray to disperse the crowd.
But the democrats — a broad coalition of Hong Kong society, including students, bankers and religious leaders — feel they have no choice but to continue their protests after the National People’s Congress set conditions for elections for the territory’s top post, the chief executive, that ensure that only candidates approved by Beijing could be on the ballot. But the Democrats — a broad coalition of Hong Kong society, including students, bankers and religious leaders — felt they had no choice but to continue their protests after conditions set by the National People’s Congress for elections for the territory’s top post, the chief executive, ensured that only candidates approved by Beijing could be on the ballot.
Hong Kong, a former British colony, was returned to China in 1997, but under an agreement with Beijing, citizens here enjoy rights, including freedom of assembly and speech, unavailable in the rest of China. Those rights can help sustain the protest movement, organizers say. Hong Kong, a former British colony, was returned to China in 1997, but under an agreement with Beijing, citizens here enjoy rights — including freedom of assembly and speech — unavailable in the rest of China. Those rights could help sustain the protest movement, organizers said.
Albert Ho, one of 27 so-called “pan-democrats” in Hong Kong’s 70-member Legislative Council, who was also a candidate for the territory’s chief executive post in 2012, said the next step would be a series of small protests in coming days and weeks followed by a large event, possibly a sit-in, in several weeks. Albert Ho, one of 27 so-called “pan-Democrats” in Hong Kong’s 70-member Legislative Council, who was also a candidate for the territory’s chief executive post in 2012, said the next step would be a series of small protests followed by a large event, possibly a sit-in, in several weeks.
“There will be ongoing struggles, ongoing fights, until we get what we’re entitled to,” Mr. Ho said in a telephone interview. “Nobody can ensure when and how we will eventually get what we want. But we’ve got to fight on.”“There will be ongoing struggles, ongoing fights, until we get what we’re entitled to,” Mr. Ho said in a telephone interview. “Nobody can ensure when and how we will eventually get what we want. But we’ve got to fight on.”
Under Beijing’s new rules, Mr. Ho would have almost no chance of appearing on the ballot for the next election, because the nominating threshold was raised to the approval of half of a 1,200-member committee stacked with Beijing loyalists, from one-eighth in 2012. Under Beijing’s new rules, Mr. Ho would have almost no chance of appearing on the ballot for the next election because the nominating threshold was raised from approval by one-eighth to half of a 1,200-member committee stacked with Beijing loyalists.
On the first day of classes at the Chinese University of Hong Kong on Monday, campaigners distributed yellow ribbons to students, symbolizing their determination to strive for democracy.On the first day of classes at the Chinese University of Hong Kong on Monday, campaigners distributed yellow ribbons to students, symbolizing their determination to strive for democracy.
Tommy Cheung, the president of the university’s student union, announced a student strike in a speech at the university’s opening ceremony, and he encouraged students to join him at a rally on Thursday in front of the campus’s “Goddess of Democracy” statue — a replica of the one erected a quarter century ago in Tiananmen Square in Beijing — to plan the specifics. Tommy Cheung, the president of the university’s student union, announced a student strike in a speech at the university’s opening ceremony, and he encouraged students to join him in planning the specifics at a rally on Thursday in front of the campus’s “Goddess of Democracy” statue — a replica of the one erected a quarter century ago in Tiananmen Square in Beijing.
For now, the democrats say they have the votes to block the city’s pro-Beijing government from implementing the voting plan. “There’s no room for negotiation unless Beijing’s prepared to revise their proposal,” Emily Lau, head of the Hong Kong’s Democratic Party, said in an interview. For now, the Democrats say they have the votes to block the city’s pro-Beijing government from implementing the voting plan. “There’s no room for negotiation unless Beijing’s prepared to revise their proposal,” Emily Lau, head of the Hong Kong’s Democratic Party, said in an interview.
But pro-Beijing lawmakers are already warning them that vetoing the proposal, however imperfect it is, would draw the ire of Hong Kong’s voters. The city government, led by the chief executive, Leung Chun-ying, is advertising at train and bus stations and on television, urging Hong Kong’s citizens to embrace the Beijing-mandated voting plan. But pro-Beijing lawmakers were already warning that vetoing the proposal, however imperfect, would draw the ire of Hong Kong’s voters. The city government, led by the chief executive, Leung Chun-ying, was advertising at train and bus stations and on television urging Hong Kong’s citizens to embrace the Beijing-mandated voting plan.
“You can have universal suffrage in 2017,” a male voice narrates in the 15-second TV ad, available in English and the local spoken language, Cantonese. “Your vote. Don’t cast it away.” “You can have universal suffrage in 2017,” a male voice narrated in the 15-second TV ad, available in English and the local language, Cantonese. “Your vote. Don’t cast it away.”
Regina Ip, head of the pro-Beijing New People’s Party, said that there was plenty of “wiggle room,” even with the limits set by the Chinese legislature, and that pro-democratic lawmakers would be making a mistake in being obstructionist. “Frankly, if they veto the package, it will be bad for their own political future,” she said in an interview. Regina Ip, head of the pro-Beijing New People’s Party, said that there was plenty of “wiggle room,” even with the limits set by the Chinese legislature, and that pro-democracy lawmakers would be making a mistake in being obstructionist. “Frankly, if they veto the package, it will be bad for their own political future,” she said in an interview.
She and a party colleague, Michael Tien, said that there were big differences even among pro-Beijing candidates, that voters would have a real choice and that the winning candidate would be held accountable. She and a party colleague, Michael Tien, said that there were big differences, even among pro-Beijing candidates, that voters would have a real choice, and that the winning candidate would be held accountable.
Anson Chan, who headed Hong Kong’s civil service in the last colonial administration and the first government under Chinese sovereignty, said that confining candidates to the pro-Beijing camp was a recipe for corruption as candidates jostle for support from the city’s tycoons. Anson Chan, who headed Hong Kong’s Civil Service in the last colonial administration and the first government under Chinese sovereignty, said that confining candidates to the pro-Beijing camp was a recipe for corruption.
“We have to be prepared to face a long period of confrontation,” she said in an interview. “We will not give up our fight for genuine democracy, because that is what we believe is the best way to ensure Hong Kong’s long-term stability and prosperity.” “We will not give up our fight for genuine democracy,” she said, “because that is what we believe is the best way to ensure Hong Kong’s long-term stability and prosperity.”