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Salmond has taken Scottish nationalists from margins to independence vote Salmond has taken Scottish nationalists from margins to independence vote
(about 3 hours later)
Linlithgow, about 20 miles from Edinburgh, is the birthplace of two figures of world renown: Mary Queen of Scots and Scotty from Star Trek. Both have plaques commemorating their association with the town. But if on 18 September Scotland votes for the breakup of the union, Linlithgow will be able to claim another world-famous luminary, Alex Salmond.Linlithgow, about 20 miles from Edinburgh, is the birthplace of two figures of world renown: Mary Queen of Scots and Scotty from Star Trek. Both have plaques commemorating their association with the town. But if on 18 September Scotland votes for the breakup of the union, Linlithgow will be able to claim another world-famous luminary, Alex Salmond.
The case for a third plaque would be overwhelming. Placed by the door of the modest council house in which he grew up – 101 Preston Road – it might read: "Born 1954, Alexander Elliot Anderson Salmond, who led his country to independence."The case for a third plaque would be overwhelming. Placed by the door of the modest council house in which he grew up – 101 Preston Road – it might read: "Born 1954, Alexander Elliot Anderson Salmond, who led his country to independence."
He would not rank alongside figures such as Gandhi, George Washington or even Michael Collins and Éamon de Valera. But in historical terms he would be a tier above many of the leaders who peacefully led their countries away from Britain in the 1950s, 60s and 70s: for Salmond would have destroyed the mother country.He would not rank alongside figures such as Gandhi, George Washington or even Michael Collins and Éamon de Valera. But in historical terms he would be a tier above many of the leaders who peacefully led their countries away from Britain in the 1950s, 60s and 70s: for Salmond would have destroyed the mother country.
That Scotland is even at this point marks an extraordinary turnaround in the fortunes of the Scottish National party. When Salmond took over as leader in 1990, it was on the margins of British politics, with only three MPs (including himself). Its annual conferences were a mishmash of Highlands conservative women in tartan skirts, angry socialists from the central belt and, unique to the party, an embarrassing array of men in kilts armed with broadswords and invoking the ghosts of William Wallace and Robert the Bruce. That Scotland is even at this point marks an extraordinary turnaround in the fortunes of the Scottish National party. When Salmond took over as leader in 1990 it was on the margins of British politics, with only three MPs (including himself). Its annual conferences were a mishmash of Highlands conservative women in tartan skirts, angry socialists from the central belt and, unique to the party, an embarrassing array of men in kilts armed with broadswords and invoking the ghosts of William Wallace and Robert the Bruce.
Salmond turned them into a modern political party, one that this week forced the UK's political leaders to rush north in panic. "It is a huge achievement," said Peter Jones, one of Scotland's best-known political commentators – and one of the few who is not nationalist-leaning. "The significance of his leadership is he has been able to marry the nationalism of the heart – the kilts and broadswords – with the nationalism of the mind, which takes in economics."Salmond turned them into a modern political party, one that this week forced the UK's political leaders to rush north in panic. "It is a huge achievement," said Peter Jones, one of Scotland's best-known political commentators – and one of the few who is not nationalist-leaning. "The significance of his leadership is he has been able to marry the nationalism of the heart – the kilts and broadswords – with the nationalism of the mind, which takes in economics."
Salmond is planning to spend referendum day in the Aberdeenshire village of Strichen, where he and his wife, Moira, live. The next day he is expected to be in Edinburgh. The result is due to be announced early on Friday. If it is yes, he will begin preparations to negotiate the terms of separation with the British prime minister, whoever that might be.Salmond is planning to spend referendum day in the Aberdeenshire village of Strichen, where he and his wife, Moira, live. The next day he is expected to be in Edinburgh. The result is due to be announced early on Friday. If it is yes, he will begin preparations to negotiate the terms of separation with the British prime minister, whoever that might be.
Few know Salmond well. Apart from his wife of more than 30 years, he confides in his deputy, Nicola Sturgeon, and a handful of others, including his former party press chief, Kevin Pringle. There are few close friends. He remains an intensely private person.Few know Salmond well. Apart from his wife of more than 30 years, he confides in his deputy, Nicola Sturgeon, and a handful of others, including his former party press chief, Kevin Pringle. There are few close friends. He remains an intensely private person.
When he was growing up in the 1950s and 60s, the SNP, founded in 1934, was an oddity. So why did Salmond become involved? He cites his grandfather, who filled him with stories from Scotland's history, as one of his main inspirations.When he was growing up in the 1950s and 60s, the SNP, founded in 1934, was an oddity. So why did Salmond become involved? He cites his grandfather, who filled him with stories from Scotland's history, as one of his main inspirations.
Just being in Linlithgow could also have influenced him as the town resonates with history. Linlithgow Palace is a short walk from his former home. More importantly, though, Linlithgow and the surrounding towns of West Lothian had a strong SNP presence.Just being in Linlithgow could also have influenced him as the town resonates with history. Linlithgow Palace is a short walk from his former home. More importantly, though, Linlithgow and the surrounding towns of West Lothian had a strong SNP presence.
"We are both Black Bitches," Tam Dalyell said of Salmond. It is the label bestowed on Linlithgow residents – a reference to the coat of arms. Dalyell, a former Labour MP for the area, first came across Salmond on a school visit."We are both Black Bitches," Tam Dalyell said of Salmond. It is the label bestowed on Linlithgow residents – a reference to the coat of arms. Dalyell, a former Labour MP for the area, first came across Salmond on a school visit.
"There was one boy who asked questions repeatedly about just one subject, prices and incomes policy, and nothing was more difficult for a Labour MP to talk about in those days," Dalyell said. The boy, inevitably, was Salmond, whom Dalyell described as "clever, precocious and bumptious"."There was one boy who asked questions repeatedly about just one subject, prices and incomes policy, and nothing was more difficult for a Labour MP to talk about in those days," Dalyell said. The boy, inevitably, was Salmond, whom Dalyell described as "clever, precocious and bumptious".
He went on to study economics and medieval Scottish history at St Andrews University. The university at the time was strongly conservative and "nationalism was very much a minority pursuit in student politics", said Jones, a contemporary.He went on to study economics and medieval Scottish history at St Andrews University. The university at the time was strongly conservative and "nationalism was very much a minority pursuit in student politics", said Jones, a contemporary.
Jones recalled Salmond storming out of a student representative council meeting after he lost a vote. "He said later it was the only vote he ever lost." That boast will be tested on Thursday.Jones recalled Salmond storming out of a student representative council meeting after he lost a vote. "He said later it was the only vote he ever lost." That boast will be tested on Thursday.
After university, Salmond worked as an economist for the government and later the Royal Bank of Scotland, but the SNP was his passion. He became caught up the internal struggles and was expelled for his membership of a leftwing nationalist caucus, the 79 Group, but later allowed back. After university Salmond worked as an economist for the government and later the Royal Bank of Scotland, but the SNP was his passion. He became caught up the internal struggles and was expelled for his membership of a leftwing nationalist caucus, the 79 Group, but later allowed back.
I was covering politics for the Scotsman when he was elected in 1987. He had a chirpy self-confidence even then and a sense of humour, but what made him attractive to a journalist was his enthusiasm for mischief.I was covering politics for the Scotsman when he was elected in 1987. He had a chirpy self-confidence even then and a sense of humour, but what made him attractive to a journalist was his enthusiasm for mischief.
The last shot him to prominence in 1988 when he disrupted the Conservative budget speech. He stood up and complained about a technical point in relation to Scotland. Salmond refused to sit down, bringing proceedings to a halt, and looked bemused by the chaos he had created. He ignored SNP colleagues nervously tugging at his jacket to sit down and was eventually suspended from the Commons so the Tory chancellor, Nigel Lawson, could resume his speech. It was a gutsy act that went down well in Scotland.The last shot him to prominence in 1988 when he disrupted the Conservative budget speech. He stood up and complained about a technical point in relation to Scotland. Salmond refused to sit down, bringing proceedings to a halt, and looked bemused by the chaos he had created. He ignored SNP colleagues nervously tugging at his jacket to sit down and was eventually suspended from the Commons so the Tory chancellor, Nigel Lawson, could resume his speech. It was a gutsy act that went down well in Scotland.
There was a revealing episode in the mid-1990s when, with feelings at the party conference running high over a column I had written that was critical of the film Braveheart, the party said it would not be a good idea for me to attend. In the end, I went to see Salmond in his Perth hotel room to have the "ban" lifted. He prides himself on being a pragmatic, modern nationalist but there was a rare glimpse of romantic nationalism in him. In spite of all its inaccuracies, he mounted a partial defence of Braveheart, recalling passages from Blind Harry's 15th-century epic poem on Wallace. There was a revealing episode in the mid-1990s when, with feelings at the party conference running high over a column I had written that was critical of the film Braveheart, the party said it would not be a good idea for me to attend. In the end I went to see Salmond in his Perth hotel room to have the "ban" lifted. He prides himself on being a pragmatic, modern nationalist but there was a rare glimpse of romantic nationalism in him. In spite of all its inaccuracies, he mounted a partial defence of Braveheart, recalling passages from Blind Harry's 15th-century epic poem on Wallace.
He was party leader at the time and was to stay until 2000. There were plenty of mistakes in that period, such as the SNP campaign slogan "Free in 93". He returned as leader in 2004, becoming Scottish first minister in 2007, a post he has held since.He was party leader at the time and was to stay until 2000. There were plenty of mistakes in that period, such as the SNP campaign slogan "Free in 93". He returned as leader in 2004, becoming Scottish first minister in 2007, a post he has held since.
Opinion about him is divided. A YouGov poll last week gave him a personal rating of minus 20 (38% trust him, 58% do not). The former Conservative foreign secretary Sir Malcolm Rifkind, who was in the Commons when Salmond disrupted the budget, acknowledges he is smart and politically astute but does not think there is much depth to him. "If I had to choose a single word that encapsulates my view of him, it is smug," Rifkind said.Opinion about him is divided. A YouGov poll last week gave him a personal rating of minus 20 (38% trust him, 58% do not). The former Conservative foreign secretary Sir Malcolm Rifkind, who was in the Commons when Salmond disrupted the budget, acknowledges he is smart and politically astute but does not think there is much depth to him. "If I had to choose a single word that encapsulates my view of him, it is smug," Rifkind said.
Salmond's strategy for dealing with the Conservatives and Labour, used again in the referendum campaign to devastating effect, is one he began to develop in the 1980s: firstly, to play on Scottish dislike of Conservatives; and secondly, to portray Labour as ineffectual in defending the Scottish working class from the Conservatives. In the 1987 election, Scotland returned 50 MPs. Salmond, to their irritation, dubbed them the Feeble Fifty for their inability to protect Scotland from Thatcherism. Salmond's strategy for dealing with the Conservatives and Labour, used again in the referendum campaign to devastating effect, is one he began to develop in the 1980s: firstly, to play on Scottish dislike of Conservatives; and secondly, to portray Labour as ineffectual in defending the Scottish working class from the Conservatives. In the 1987 election Scotland returned 50 MPs. Salmond, to their irritation, dubbed them the Feeble Fifty for their inability to protect Scotland from Thatcherism.
With the SNP, he has been ruthless in uniting the party, bringing an end to long-running feuds. The main split had involved fundamentalists – people such as Alex Neil, Kenny MacAskill and Jim Sillars – who wanted the focus to be purely on independence and who tended to be more to the left than Salmond. With the SNP he has been ruthless in uniting the party, bringing an end to long-running feuds. The main split had involved fundamentalists – people such as Alex Neil, Kenny MacAskill and Jim Sillars – who wanted the focus to be purely on independence and who tended to be to the left of Salmond.
By contrast, Salmond was a gradualist who was shifting from the left to the centre. The gradualists believed in a step by step approach to building support for independence, one that included acceptance of devolution. By contrast, Salmond was a gradualist who was shifting from the left to the centre. The gradualists believed in a step-by-step approach to building support for independence, one that included acceptance of devolution.
Salmond prevailed, securing the loyalty of Neil and MacAskill, in part by bringing them into his cabinet. "The idea of gradualists and fundamentalists. That is all in history," Neil said this week.Salmond prevailed, securing the loyalty of Neil and MacAskill, in part by bringing them into his cabinet. "The idea of gradualists and fundamentalists. That is all in history," Neil said this week.
As well as the party, Salmond has imposed his will on the Scottish civil service and there have been temper outbursts and heated phone calls to people who have crossed, annoyed or disobeyed him.As well as the party, Salmond has imposed his will on the Scottish civil service and there have been temper outbursts and heated phone calls to people who have crossed, annoyed or disobeyed him.
Labour accuses him of portraying himself as leftwing while presiding over a government whose policies, particularly on benefits, help the middle class instead of tackling poverty.Labour accuses him of portraying himself as leftwing while presiding over a government whose policies, particularly on benefits, help the middle class instead of tackling poverty.
There is an echo of this in the resignation last year of Alex Bell, Salmond's chief policy adviser, who was upset that the programme for an independent Scotland is not radical enough. "It was noticeably lacking on social policy and yet it retained a corporate tax policy which party insiders know alienates a section of leftwing/trade union voters," Bell said. "Salmond by instinct is a middle of the road politician." There is an echo of this in the resignation last year of Alex Bell, Salmond's chief policy adviser, who was upset that the programme for an independent Scotland was not radical enough. "It was noticeably lacking on social policy and yet it retained a corporate tax policy which party insiders know alienates a section of leftwing/trade union voters," Bell said. "Salmond by instinct is a middle-of-the-road politician."
But Bell praised Salmond for turning the SNP into such a media-savvy operation. The party had found it hard to get a fair hearing in the Scottish media throughout most of its history, being regularly savaged. "The SNP had been through this brutalisation experience. That is why they are so slick with the media, so loyal," Bell said.But Bell praised Salmond for turning the SNP into such a media-savvy operation. The party had found it hard to get a fair hearing in the Scottish media throughout most of its history, being regularly savaged. "The SNP had been through this brutalisation experience. That is why they are so slick with the media, so loyal," Bell said.
Salmond has the support of Rupert Murdoch, ensuring that at least the Scottish Sun is sympathetic. Meeting journalists out on the stump, he is often abrasive and combative, especially when taking questions from the Telegraph, Mail and, occasionally, the BBC.Salmond has the support of Rupert Murdoch, ensuring that at least the Scottish Sun is sympathetic. Meeting journalists out on the stump, he is often abrasive and combative, especially when taking questions from the Telegraph, Mail and, occasionally, the BBC.
But on the whole "Eck" is amiable, making time for reporters, giving spot interview after spot interview, chatting to anyone who catches his attention, whether from a major UK paper or a Netherlands radio station he has never heard of, all very different from the increasingly tightly controlled appearances of UK leaders.But on the whole "Eck" is amiable, making time for reporters, giving spot interview after spot interview, chatting to anyone who catches his attention, whether from a major UK paper or a Netherlands radio station he has never heard of, all very different from the increasingly tightly controlled appearances of UK leaders.
Salmond will turn 60 on Hogmanay. If it is a no vote, would he be tempted to resign and make way for Sturgeon? He could spend more time betting on horses. He would still be relatively young for a politician but Moira, a former senior civil servant who largely keeps out of the public eye, is 17 years older. Might she want him to retire at last?Salmond will turn 60 on Hogmanay. If it is a no vote, would he be tempted to resign and make way for Sturgeon? He could spend more time betting on horses. He would still be relatively young for a politician but Moira, a former senior civil servant who largely keeps out of the public eye, is 17 years older. Might she want him to retire at last?
One of the tiny band who knows them well said that, having lived with this driven man for so long, she is unlikely at this stage to ask him to retire. Asked by the Guardian about retirement during one of the media scrums in Edinburgh, he was adamant he will see out his full term as first minister, which would take him to at least 2016. Asked if he would then make way for Sturgeon, he paused, a slight smile on his face, but did not elaborate on his intentions.One of the tiny band who knows them well said that, having lived with this driven man for so long, she is unlikely at this stage to ask him to retire. Asked by the Guardian about retirement during one of the media scrums in Edinburgh, he was adamant he will see out his full term as first minister, which would take him to at least 2016. Asked if he would then make way for Sturgeon, he paused, a slight smile on his face, but did not elaborate on his intentions.
Scotland has been drifting away for decades, a move driven by de-industrialisation, by the end of empire, by Thatcher, by the breakdown in voting along sectarian lines and by disenchantment with Labour. Salmond's achievement is to have modernised the party so that it could exploit all this and, above all else, persuade Scots that independence is no longer an unthinkable option.Scotland has been drifting away for decades, a move driven by de-industrialisation, by the end of empire, by Thatcher, by the breakdown in voting along sectarian lines and by disenchantment with Labour. Salmond's achievement is to have modernised the party so that it could exploit all this and, above all else, persuade Scots that independence is no longer an unthinkable option.
The pre-eminent historian of modern Scotland, Sir Tom Devine, said: "The Scottish National party between the 1960s and today has been transformed from a sect into a potent political force. To a large extent this is the result of Alex Salmond's effort to move from ethnic nationalism to civic nationalism, which polls suggest now has a very wide appeal to the Scottish people." Devine is voting yes.The pre-eminent historian of modern Scotland, Sir Tom Devine, said: "The Scottish National party between the 1960s and today has been transformed from a sect into a potent political force. To a large extent this is the result of Alex Salmond's effort to move from ethnic nationalism to civic nationalism, which polls suggest now has a very wide appeal to the Scottish people." Devine is voting yes.
When Labour set up the Scottish parliament after winning the election in 1997, the Guardian quoted Tony Blair predicting, in an assessment that could turn out to be spectacularly wrong, that devolution would cement the union. Salmond, in the same Guardian report, saw it differently, predicting independence "in my lifetime". When Labour set up the Scottish parliament after winning 1997 general election the Guardian quoted Tony Blair predicting, in an assessment that could turn out to be spectacularly wrong, that devolution would cement the union. Salmond, in the same Guardian report, saw it differently, predicting independence "in my lifetime".
In reality, Thursday can only be a win for Salmond. He has wrung promises from Westminster of more devolved powers. And the campaign has created a huge bloc of support for independence as well as an Obama-style grassroots organisation. Some of the young may peel away as the excitement dies but many others, radicalised by the campaign, would be thinking about next time.In reality, Thursday can only be a win for Salmond. He has wrung promises from Westminster of more devolved powers. And the campaign has created a huge bloc of support for independence as well as an Obama-style grassroots organisation. Some of the young may peel away as the excitement dies but many others, radicalised by the campaign, would be thinking about next time.
There may yet be a plaque at 101 Preston Road.There may yet be a plaque at 101 Preston Road.