Thousands of protesters are still holding out on the streets of Hong Kong in defiance of tear gas and government warnings. The BBC explains who is behind the movement, and why.
Following two months of relatively peaceful street occupations by pro-democracy activists, clashes erupted again in Hong Kong in November 2014 as the authorities moved in to clear protest camps. The BBC finds out why.
Why are people in Hong Kong so angry?
Why are the authorities cracking down now?
Hong Kong has not seen a protest on this scale for years, with tens of thousands turning out at one point. The numbers have since fallen but some 9,000 "re-occupied" Mong Kok on 17 October.
Since the street occupations began in September in three key spots - Mong Kok, Admiralty and Causeway Bay - the authorities have largely tolerated protesters, apart from occasional skirmishes, while ensuring partial access to some roads.
Those out on the streets have been angered by the Chinese government's ruling on who may stand as a candidate in elections for Hong Kong's leader, due in 2017.
But the high court began granting injunctions to businesses and industry groups to clear roads in November. This triggered a round of clearances led by bailiffs assisted by the police.
At the heart of this is a civil disobedience movement launched by democracy activists, Occupy Central. When China made its ruling, Occupy Central promised demonstrations.
The first attempt - to clear the roads outside Citic Tower in Admiralty - went smoothly on 18 November with some activists even helping out. This was largely attributed to the fact that the area was a relatively small portion of the Admiralty camp.
Then students in Hong Kong began a separate class boycott in late September and when they broke into the main government compound on 26 September, Occupy kicked off its campaign early.
But it was a different story when the authorities demolished the entire Mong Kok camp the following week, with clashes erupting and protesters repeatedly attempting to retake the site.
The police use of tear gas on supporters on 29 September further fuelled protesters' anger. The initial sit-in at the Central district spawned more protests at Causeway Bay and Mong Kok, and a fourth site opened up at Canton Road days later.
Student protesters accused the police of violence, and tried to shut down government offices in Admiralty on 1 December, prompting a strong response from the police.
Protesters have since called for the resignation of Chief Executive CY Leung for his handling of the situation, but the Chinese government has publicly pledged its support of his administration through the Chinese Communist Party newspaper People's Daily.
Another injunction has been granted to clear a section of Connaught and Harcourt Roads - the major stronghold of protesters.
What lit the fuse?
Does this mean protests are dying out?
It was always unclear exactly how much support Occupy Central could count on. They say that when the demonstrations began a spontaneous outpouring helped boost crowds.
The students have insisted that public opinion is still on their side, but the numbers at protest sites and polls indicate that the public has grown increasingly weary of the disruption and unrest.
Tens of thousands of ordinary Hong Kong residents took to the streets, mostly young, but pensioners and young families were also seen among those protesting.
At its peak, the pro-democracy movement saw tens of thousands of Hong Kong residents from all walks of life take to the streets. Two months on, just a few hundred remain camped out in tent cities, most of whom are students and young workers.
Occupy Central say there is no single group in charge of the protests and that people refused to disperse even when they asked them to after the police let off tear gas canisters.
Meanwhile, a mid-November poll done by the University of Hong Kong's public opinion programme found that a majority of respondents did not support the protests.
How violent could it get?
A majority also backed the Hong Kong government's clearance of the sites, though some believed that it could allocate other areas for protesters.
Hong Kong rallies are generally peaceful and well organised. But as Hong Kong's politics has become more polarised so protests have become more confrontational.
Student leaders have also found it difficult to make headway. Earlier talks with city officials proved fruitless, an attempt to travel to Beijing was blocked by Hong Kong authorities, and two leaders - Joshua Wong and Lester Shum - were arrested for obstructing police in Mong Kok and are now out on bail.
Most witnesses report a peaceful and co-operative atmosphere, but police have used tear gas and batons on occasion.
But repeated attempts to retake Mong Kok - some involving hundreds of protesters - and the latest clash with police outside government offices in Admiralty indicate that a core group of activists remains resolute.
Occupy Central insists it is a non-violent movement, but the rapid growth of the student-led campaign could also change the dynamic.
Is Beijing ultimately behind all this?
Might the protests change China's mind?
China's central government has continuously condemned the ongoing street occupations, and state-controlled mainland media outlets have accused pro-democracy activists of "intensifying" the crisis with the latest clash.
Before these protests began, activists admitted the movement was unlikely to sway China.
One of the Hong Kong business groups that has taken out an injunction to clear the protest sites is a joint-venture controlled by Chinese state-owned Citic Group.
Public protests play an important role in Hong Kong. Locals have free speech and the right to protest, even though they cannot directly elect their government.
Though it remains unclear whether Beijing had a direct hand in the applications, many in the business sector - which is increasingly reliant on China - have opposed the protests since day one, on the grounds that it would hurt the economy and anger Beijing.
And they have used this right to effect in the past. A controversial national security law known as Article 23 was proposed in 2002, but dropped after large protests the following year. More recently, the government was forced into a U-turn on "patriotic education" classes.
How will all this end?
The size and passion of these protests have taken observers by surprise, but the demands strike at the very heart of the nature of Beijing's authority.
Questions remain on whether either the Hong Kong or Beijing governments will eventually lose patience and crack down harshly on protesters.
Demanding full democracy would radically change how Hong Kong is governed and China is unlikely to cave in on this - it would be seen as a dangerous precedent.
Since the start of the protests, Beijing has publicly expressed its support for Hong Kong chief executive CY Leung's handling of the situation and his strategy, which according to some reports was to contain the protests and wait it out.
Does everyone agree with the protesters?
Even though the authorities had from the start declared the street occupations illegal, police only moved to clear sites two months later, after court injunctions were granted to civilian groups.
No. There is a large spectrum of opinion in Hong Kong which analysts say appears increasingly polarised.
Correspondents say that this may signal the beginning of the end, and authorities may seriously consider clearing further sites, particularly with groups applying for more injunctions to clear the streets.
The campaigners and protesters want political reform and democratic elections that meet international standards.
But protesters have vowed to remain on the streets and threatened to launch retaliations as well as retake key sites. The government in turn has told them to stay out and warned of "resolute action" by the police. This leaves open the possibility of escalation from both sides.
But Hong Kong is also a business-minded city, and many will be reluctant to take part in civil disobedience, or anger Beijing, fearing it could hurt the economy.
On 3 October, anti-Occupy protesters began heckling the pro-democracy demonstrators at the Mong Kok site, which later escalated into scuffles and violence.
Who are the key players?
Occupy Central led the way in campaigning for more direct democracy. Its leaders - law professor Benny Tai, sociologist Chan Kin-man and church minister Yiu-ming - are seen as moderate pro-democracy figures.
It is supported by many political parties in Hong Kong's pan-democratic camp.
Student leaders like Alex Chow and Lester Shum have come to the fore. Joshua Wong, who was at the helm of the campaign against "patriotic education", is also a force in these latest protests.
All three were arrested as the student demonstrations erupted but have since been released.
Pro-Beijing and pro-business parties tend to be against the campaign, and several anti-Occupy Central groups have also been set up. They claim to own the silent majority.
What are China's biggest fears?
China does not want any movement that could be perceived as a challenge to its authority. Nor does it want a pro-democracy campaign spreading from Hong Kong to the mainland.
The fury in state media is palpable. It has accused "external forces" of meddling in Hong Kong's affairs and encouraging "separatist sentiments".
There has also been speculation over whether China would get involved in a crackdown. That would almost certainly be seen as an absolute last resort, given the likely international and business repercussions.
So what happens now?
Mr Leung says the government is ready for talks and a meeting is due to be held on 21 October.
It remains to be seen if the dialogue will bear fruit. On 3 October pro-democracy leaders threatened to call off talks if the government did not adequately protect them from attacks by anti-Occupy groups.
To enable direct elections in 2017, the Hong Kong government will have to present a political reform plan to Hong Kong's law-making body, the Legislative Council, for a vote. Pro-democracy lawmakers, who hold enough seats for a veto, have said that they will vote down any proposal based on China's ruling.
If the proposal is voted down, Hong Kong will be unable to implement universal suffrage, and its elections are expected to proceed as before, with a committee of 1,200 mostly pro-Beijing figures selecting the leader.
Before any of this, however, it needs to find a way out of the current impasse on the streets.
