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Obama's Isis coalition was built at Iran's expense, and Rouhani knows it Obama's Isis coalition was built at Iran's expense, and Rouhani knows it
(about 4 hours later)
During his Wednesday speech to the United Nations, Barack Obama laid bare a four-point outline for how to stem the rising tide of extremism in the Middle East. His third point focused on suppressing the sectarian undertones of much of the fighting occurring today in Iraq and Syria, where the hardline Sunni revanchists of the Islamic State (Isis) have taken over wide swaths of territory.During his Wednesday speech to the United Nations, Barack Obama laid bare a four-point outline for how to stem the rising tide of extremism in the Middle East. His third point focused on suppressing the sectarian undertones of much of the fighting occurring today in Iraq and Syria, where the hardline Sunni revanchists of the Islamic State (Isis) have taken over wide swaths of territory.
“There is nothing new about wars within religions,” Obama told his audience at Turtle Bay. “It is time to acknowledge the destruction wrought by proxy wars and terror campaigns between Sunni and Shia across the Middle East.” This would be, he warned, a “generational task.”Still, Obama’s response to the surprisingly effective marauding in Iraq by the virulently anti-Shia Isis has its own sectarian flavor: the US sided with the same Sunni dictators that have fanned sectarian flames. And America built its coalition of the somewhat-willing at the expense of Iran – the one country that has been most aggressively aiding military efforts against Isis.“There is nothing new about wars within religions,” Obama told his audience at Turtle Bay. “It is time to acknowledge the destruction wrought by proxy wars and terror campaigns between Sunni and Shia across the Middle East.” This would be, he warned, a “generational task.”Still, Obama’s response to the surprisingly effective marauding in Iraq by the virulently anti-Shia Isis has its own sectarian flavor: the US sided with the same Sunni dictators that have fanned sectarian flames. And America built its coalition of the somewhat-willing at the expense of Iran – the one country that has been most aggressively aiding military efforts against Isis.
Iran has noticed. “Extremists threaten our neighbors, resort to violence and shed blood,” said Iranian president Hassan Rouhani at the General Assembly Thursday, warning that combatting the trend must be entrusted “to the people in the region who can deliver”.Iran has noticed. “Extremists threaten our neighbors, resort to violence and shed blood,” said Iranian president Hassan Rouhani at the General Assembly Thursday, warning that combatting the trend must be entrusted “to the people in the region who can deliver”.
The four regional coalition partners Obama cajoled into joining bombing runs against Isis positions in Syria on Tuesday – scarcely hours before his UN address – consisted of five Sunni Arab monarchies: the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia.The four regional coalition partners Obama cajoled into joining bombing runs against Isis positions in Syria on Tuesday – scarcely hours before his UN address – consisted of five Sunni Arab monarchies: the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia.
The new coalition is of a piece with America’s fraught past in the region; it’s no accident that these allies employed US-made warplanes against Isis in Syria. With some very notable exceptions – like, you know, the entire Iraq War empowering the Shia population of Iraq (and therefore Iran and the region) – US policy has rested firmly with the Sunni dictatorships.The new coalition is of a piece with America’s fraught past in the region; it’s no accident that these allies employed US-made warplanes against Isis in Syria. With some very notable exceptions – like, you know, the entire Iraq War empowering the Shia population of Iraq (and therefore Iran and the region) – US policy has rested firmly with the Sunni dictatorships.
The Saudis, the leader among monarchies, no doubt helped bring its tiny neighbors along to bomb Syria, which Saudi Arabia still very much views as a sectarian proxy war. But the unlikely alliance with Sunni fundamentalist regimes against their own more extreme descendants came with its own sectarian cost. Though Iran, the Shiite regional powerhouse, and the US flirted about working together against Isis, prospects for cooperation went cold with US denials that it sought Iran’s help and, eventually, Iran’s emphatic rejection of the idea. But US officials acknowledged the US could not consider inviting Iran in order to preserve the key Saudi participation in combatting Isis.The Saudis, the leader among monarchies, no doubt helped bring its tiny neighbors along to bomb Syria, which Saudi Arabia still very much views as a sectarian proxy war. But the unlikely alliance with Sunni fundamentalist regimes against their own more extreme descendants came with its own sectarian cost. Though Iran, the Shiite regional powerhouse, and the US flirted about working together against Isis, prospects for cooperation went cold with US denials that it sought Iran’s help and, eventually, Iran’s emphatic rejection of the idea. But US officials acknowledged the US could not consider inviting Iran in order to preserve the key Saudi participation in combatting Isis.
Shortly after Obama’s speech, and only a couple miles away in the heart of Manhattan, a crowd of reporters and think tankers in dark suits listened as Rouhani fired back that Iran had been the first country to offer military aid to its “Iraqi and Kurdish neighbors” as Isis swept through Iraq.Shortly after Obama’s speech, and only a couple miles away in the heart of Manhattan, a crowd of reporters and think tankers in dark suits listened as Rouhani fired back that Iran had been the first country to offer military aid to its “Iraqi and Kurdish neighbors” as Isis swept through Iraq.
“Any fight against extremism is contingent upon learning lessons from the past,” Rouhani told the audience. In interviews surrounding the UN General Assembly, Iranian officials have pointed out that the power vacuum of post-invasion Iraq gave rise to the jihadi groups that now call themselves Isis. Rouhani did not want to place blame, he said, but merely understand the history – the geopolitical jab’s equivalent of the sorry-not-sorry internet meme denoting schadenfreude.“Any fight against extremism is contingent upon learning lessons from the past,” Rouhani told the audience. In interviews surrounding the UN General Assembly, Iranian officials have pointed out that the power vacuum of post-invasion Iraq gave rise to the jihadi groups that now call themselves Isis. Rouhani did not want to place blame, he said, but merely understand the history – the geopolitical jab’s equivalent of the sorry-not-sorry internet meme denoting schadenfreude.
“Certain states have helped creating it and are now failing to withstand it.,” Rouhani told the General Assembly. And indeed Obama’s coalition partners are drawn from those nations that have not only sometimes supported extremist elements in the region’s various civil wars (when it suits them), but also those that have in the past funded and fueled hardline conservative Sunni religious thought.“Certain states have helped creating it and are now failing to withstand it.,” Rouhani told the General Assembly. And indeed Obama’s coalition partners are drawn from those nations that have not only sometimes supported extremist elements in the region’s various civil wars (when it suits them), but also those that have in the past funded and fueled hardline conservative Sunni religious thought.
With Iraqi politics’ seemingly permanent turn toward its Shia majority, Obama will need Shia powerhouses to buy into its fight. Baghdad and its patrons in Iran’s long-term attention to the struggle will prove important in the long run; the fight against sectarianism might be “generational”, but the US has also indicated that the struggle against Isis will last years.With Iraqi politics’ seemingly permanent turn toward its Shia majority, Obama will need Shia powerhouses to buy into its fight. Baghdad and its patrons in Iran’s long-term attention to the struggle will prove important in the long run; the fight against sectarianism might be “generational”, but the US has also indicated that the struggle against Isis will last years.
However, like Obama’s coalition, Rouhani’s history includes several blind spots against what he called on Wednesday the “contagious disease” of extremism: most glaringly, that Isis gained strength – and a base of operations – in no small part thanks to the brutal conduct in Syria’s civil war of Iran’s convenient geopolitical partner Bashar al-Assad; that Assad’s permissive border policies during the Iraq War, designed to harry and thwart the US occupation, facilitated Isis’s initial iteration as al-Qaida in Mesopotamia; and that the chaos Iran helped foment among Iraqi Shia militias bled resources from the fight against Sunni extremists. However, like Obama’s coalition, Rouhani’s history includes several blind spots against what he called on Wednesday the “contagious disease” of extremism: most glaringly, that Isis gained strength – and a base of operations – in no small part thanks to the brutal conduct in Syria’s civil war of Iran’s convenient geopolitical partner Bashar al-Assad; that Assad’s permissive border policies during the Iraq War, designed to harry and thwart the US occupation, facilitated Isis’s initial iteration as al-Qaida in Mesopotamia (AQM); and that the chaos Iran helped foment among Iraqi Shia militias bled resources from the fight against Sunni extremists.
At times on Wednesday, Rouhani accused the US of going even further than Assad had with al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb by pledging to support so-called moderates of the Syrian opposition. He cast the initiative to arm the Free Syria Army as an attempt “to train another group of terrorists and send them to Syria to fight” – without noting the irony of Iran’s support for Hezbollah in its attempts to bolster Assad’s regime. At times on Wednesday, Rouhani accused the US of going even further than Assad had with AQM by pledging to support so-called moderates of the Syrian opposition. He cast the initiative to arm the Free Syria Army as an attempt “to train another group of terrorists and send them to Syria to fight” – without noting the irony of Iran’s support for Hezbollah in its attempts to bolster Assad’s regime.
Though implausible, Rouhani might have done well to acknowledge Iran’s own sectarianism and support for terror, building up over the past decade what the King of Jordan warned after the Iraq invasion would be a “Shia crescent” cutting from Iran, through Iraq and Syria, and into southern Lebanon.Though implausible, Rouhani might have done well to acknowledge Iran’s own sectarianism and support for terror, building up over the past decade what the King of Jordan warned after the Iraq invasion would be a “Shia crescent” cutting from Iran, through Iraq and Syria, and into southern Lebanon.
And Obama ought to take stock of the US’s lopsided alignment to Sunnis amid rising sectarianism. In that sense, Rouhani was on to something that a forthright acknowledgement of history – the past couple decades rather than a millennium and a half of Islam’s confessional schism – must be accounted for in dealing with the Middle East. But he ought to check the mirror, too.And Obama ought to take stock of the US’s lopsided alignment to Sunnis amid rising sectarianism. In that sense, Rouhani was on to something that a forthright acknowledgement of history – the past couple decades rather than a millennium and a half of Islam’s confessional schism – must be accounted for in dealing with the Middle East. But he ought to check the mirror, too.
Obama could have started with last year, when hopes for the Arab Spring were merely fading rather than extinguished. It was then at the General Assembly that the American president insisted upon “efforts to resolve sectarian tensions that continue to surface” as one of several means to press democracy in the Middle East.Obama could have started with last year, when hopes for the Arab Spring were merely fading rather than extinguished. It was then at the General Assembly that the American president insisted upon “efforts to resolve sectarian tensions that continue to surface” as one of several means to press democracy in the Middle East.
That, too, was “the task of a generation”, Obama said at the time. But so long as US policy enables Sunni dictators who have done as much to stoke anti-Shia sentiment as anyone without pressing them, the task will perpetually fall to the next generation.That, too, was “the task of a generation”, Obama said at the time. But so long as US policy enables Sunni dictators who have done as much to stoke anti-Shia sentiment as anyone without pressing them, the task will perpetually fall to the next generation.