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Hong Kong frustration with Beijing has been building for years Hong Kong frustration with Beijing has been building for years
(about 4 hours later)
The sign posted on the steps of Causeway Bay metro station on Monday encapsulated the polite ambivalence felt by protesters blockading the usually well-ordered streets of downtown Hong Kong. It read: “Fight for Democracy/Sorry for the Inconvenience.”The sign posted on the steps of Causeway Bay metro station on Monday encapsulated the polite ambivalence felt by protesters blockading the usually well-ordered streets of downtown Hong Kong. It read: “Fight for Democracy/Sorry for the Inconvenience.”
But if China’s haughty Communist leadership in Beijing believes this apologetic tone reflects a lack of determination by the students, activists and other citizens who have turned out in unprecedented numbers to reject official diktats, it will be making a big, possibly historic mistake. But if China’s haughty Communist leadership in Beijing believes this apologetic tone reflects a lack of determination by the students, activists and other citizens who have turned out in unprecedented numbers to reject official diktats, it will be making a big, possibly historic, mistake.
The apparently sudden upsurge in public anger and frustration towards Beijing’s insensitive disregard for the former British colony’s limited political freedoms has been building, unevenly but steadily, since July 1997. That was the moment when Prince Charles and governor Chris Patten shook hands with China’s then president, Jiang Zemin, and hauled down the union jack. The apparently sudden upsurge in public anger and frustration towards Beijing’s insensitive disregard for the former British colony’s limited political freedoms has been building, unevenly but steadily, since July 1997. That was the moment when Prince Charles and governor Chris Patten shook hands with China’s then president, Jiang Zemin, and hauled down the union flag.
Deng Xiaoping’s experimental “one country, two systems” 50-year compromise formula, underpinning the 1984 Sino-British joint declaration, provided a political figleaf behind which both governments – and local people, at least for a while – could hide their real feelings and beliefs.Deng Xiaoping’s experimental “one country, two systems” 50-year compromise formula, underpinning the 1984 Sino-British joint declaration, provided a political figleaf behind which both governments – and local people, at least for a while – could hide their real feelings and beliefs.
But Hong Kong’s true character soon reasserted itself – and it was not to be cowed. Lively political skirmishing and debate surrounding elections to the legislative council, a substitute for a parliament, became the norm and gradually intensified after 1997.But Hong Kong’s true character soon reasserted itself – and it was not to be cowed. Lively political skirmishing and debate surrounding elections to the legislative council, a substitute for a parliament, became the norm and gradually intensified after 1997.
In 2003, serious popular protests erupted over “anti-subversion” laws. In 2012, education plans provoked a similar adverse reaction. In both cases, the local administration backed down. But in the current row over the rigging of 2017 elections for the chief executive, such flexibility is not possible – because the rules have been imposed directly by Beijing, which will brook no defiance. So the stage is set for ongoing confrontation, possibly peaking on Wednesday, China’s 65th national day holiday. In 2003, serious popular protests erupted over new “anti-subversion” laws. In 2012, education plans provoked a similar adverse reaction. In both cases, the local administration backed down. But in the current row over the rigging of 2017 elections for the chief executive, such flexibility is not possible – because the rules have been imposed directly by Beijing, which brooks no defiance. So the stage is set for ongoing confrontation, possibly peaking on Wednesday, China’s 65th national day holiday.
Alice Wu, a political consultant, wrote in the South China Morning Post that failing trust in “one country, two systems” lay behind the standoff. “The latest survey by the University of Hong Kong’s public opinion programme found the proportion of respondents lacking confidence in the formula to be at its highest since polling began in 1993 [56%, compared with 38% who had confidence in it].” She said the shift may have been unavoidable. “Hong Kong, the mainland, and the rest of the world have changed drastically.” Alice Wu, a political consultant, wrote in the South China Morning Post that failing trust in “one country, two systems” lay behind the standoff, adding: “The latest survey by the University of Hong Kong’s public opinion programme found the proportion of respondents lacking confidence in the formula (56%, compared to the “confident” 38%) to be at its highest since polling began in 1993.” She said the shift may have been unavoidable. “Hong Kong, the mainland, and the rest of the world have changed drastically.”
Part of this change is due to Hong Kong’s success as a business centre, which Beijing wants to exploit in its next five-year plan. Partly it is a reaction to social trends such as migration from the mainland, which is diluting Hong Kong’s unique identity and culture, and the rise of an independent-minded younger generation. It surely also reflects distaste for old-fashioned, discredited one-party rule. Part of this change is due to Hong Kong’s success as a business centre, which Beijing wants to exploit in its next five-year plan. Partly it is a reaction to social trends, such as migration from the mainland that is diluting Hong Kong’s unique identity and culture, and the rise of an independent-minded younger generation. It surely also reflects distaste for old-fashioned, discredited one-party rule.
Contrary to what Deng envisaged, Hong Kong has grown less like most of the rest of China, not more so. Now 54% of people in one poll say they want a veto on Beijing’s election-rigging. Calls for the resignation of the chief executive, Leung Chun-ying, grow louder. Contrary to what Deng envisaged, Hong Kong has grown less like the rest of China, not more so. Now 54% of people in one poll say they want a veto on Beijing’s election-rigging. Calls for the resignation of the chief executive, Leung Chun-ying, grow louder.
Larry Au said in the Morning Post that the roots of the protests lay in Hong Kong’s changing vision of itself and its place in the world. Beijing could not arrest this process. “If they [the protesters] do not succeed in time for 2017 in securing a genuine choice for Hong Kong, they will surely succeed later,” he wrote. Larry Au said in the Morning Post that the roots of the protests lay in Hong Kong’s changing vision of itself and its place in the world. Beijing could not arrest this process. “If they [the protesters] do not succeed in time for 2017 in securing a genuine choice for Hong Kong, they will surely succeed later.”
The immediate dilemma facing China’s tough-guy president, Xi Jinping, is plain. Demonstrators’ attempts to protect themselves against police teargas and pepper spray have gifted the protests a name, the “umbrella revolution”. With the world watching out for a second Tiananmen Square, Xi cannot afford to be heavy-handed.The immediate dilemma facing China’s tough-guy president, Xi Jinping, is plain. Demonstrators’ attempts to protect themselves against police teargas and pepper spray have gifted the protests a name, the “umbrella revolution”. With the world watching out for a second Tiananmen Square, Xi cannot afford to be heavy-handed.
But Xi, notorious for his anti-corruption drive and confrontational regional foreign policy, has enemies within the party who would love to see him fail. If the unauthorised, spontaneous and so far censored protests continue to expand, possibly spreading beyond Kowloon to the mainland proper, the challenge to Xi’s centralised, authoritarian way of running the country may prove too much for him to bear. But the president, notorious for his anti-corruption drive and confrontational regional foreign policy, has enemies within the party who would love to see him fail. If the unauthorised, spontaneous and so far censored protests continue to expand, possibly spreading beyond Kowloon to the mainland proper, the challenge to Xi’s centralised, authoritarian way of running the country may prove too much for him to bear.