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Burma’s child soldiers return home to face a fresh set of challenges Burma’s child soldiers return home to face a fresh set of challenges
(5 days later)
Dressed in white shirts over their green sarongs, dozens of young men poured down the concrete step of the army barracks and across the compound. With parents in tow, they walked towards a line of buses parked beyond the barbed-wire perimeter. Once everyone was seated, the buses moved off. The young men stared out of darkened windows; some looked blank while others, smiling, waved at the grey slab buildings as they receded into the distance.Dressed in white shirts over their green sarongs, dozens of young men poured down the concrete step of the army barracks and across the compound. With parents in tow, they walked towards a line of buses parked beyond the barbed-wire perimeter. Once everyone was seated, the buses moved off. The young men stared out of darkened windows; some looked blank while others, smiling, waved at the grey slab buildings as they receded into the distance.
Recruited illegally as children, the 108 boys were returning home to their families after being formally discharged from the Burmese military. Some had come straight from active service, while others had emerged from hiding or been released from prison, where they were jailed for desertion.Recruited illegally as children, the 108 boys were returning home to their families after being formally discharged from the Burmese military. Some had come straight from active service, while others had emerged from hiding or been released from prison, where they were jailed for desertion.
“I am happy,” says Maung Maung, who was among those released. “Now I can live freely – I’ve got my freedom back.”“I am happy,” says Maung Maung, who was among those released. “Now I can live freely – I’ve got my freedom back.”
Forced into joining the army at 14, he spent five months in a training camp before he escaped and fled home. Following his late September release, Maung Maung received a small sum of money and his national identity card, meaning he can apply for a job. But uncertainty lies ahead.Forced into joining the army at 14, he spent five months in a training camp before he escaped and fled home. Following his late September release, Maung Maung received a small sum of money and his national identity card, meaning he can apply for a job. But uncertainty lies ahead.
Now 18, and the eldest of his siblings, he must support the household. With little training or education, it will be a struggle. “Career and education is the hardest – because [I am] too old, I cannot get [an] education,” says Maung Maung.Now 18, and the eldest of his siblings, he must support the household. With little training or education, it will be a struggle. “Career and education is the hardest – because [I am] too old, I cannot get [an] education,” says Maung Maung.
Nobody knows how many children are in the Burmese army, known as the Tatmadaw. However, according to Steve Marshall, liaison officer for the International Labour Organisation (ILO), “all the evidence suggests that [the scale of the problem] is big”. For years, the UN has listed Burma as a persistent violator of children’s rights because of the army’s use of children to fight its wars, as well as their recruitment by ethnic minority armed groups in the country.Nobody knows how many children are in the Burmese army, known as the Tatmadaw. However, according to Steve Marshall, liaison officer for the International Labour Organisation (ILO), “all the evidence suggests that [the scale of the problem] is big”. For years, the UN has listed Burma as a persistent violator of children’s rights because of the army’s use of children to fight its wars, as well as their recruitment by ethnic minority armed groups in the country.
Since elections in 2010 replaced 50 years of military dictatorship with a quasi-democratic government, nascent reforms have brought wide-ranging social and political change. Keen to professionalise its armed forces and avoid international condemnation, Burma’s government signed an action plan with the UN in 2012 to demobilise all child soldiers and stop recruitment. So far, 472 children have been officially discharged under the plan. Teams of international inspectors have visited battalions to monitor compliance, while billboards explaining that child recruitment is illegal now adorn roadsides across the country.Since elections in 2010 replaced 50 years of military dictatorship with a quasi-democratic government, nascent reforms have brought wide-ranging social and political change. Keen to professionalise its armed forces and avoid international condemnation, Burma’s government signed an action plan with the UN in 2012 to demobilise all child soldiers and stop recruitment. So far, 472 children have been officially discharged under the plan. Teams of international inspectors have visited battalions to monitor compliance, while billboards explaining that child recruitment is illegal now adorn roadsides across the country.
“There is a clear expression of commitment from the Tatmadaw to be a child-free army,” says Bertrand Bainvel, Unicef country representative in Burma and co-chair of the UN body monitoring child rights violations there. Efforts to stem the tide of recruitment have failed, however, with children continuing to enter the army.“There is a clear expression of commitment from the Tatmadaw to be a child-free army,” says Bertrand Bainvel, Unicef country representative in Burma and co-chair of the UN body monitoring child rights violations there. Efforts to stem the tide of recruitment have failed, however, with children continuing to enter the army.
Aung Myint was 15 when soldiers arrested him and his friend at a train station one evening. “I asked – why do you arrest me?” he says. “I told them I work for the Yangon city development committee but they said, ‘We don’t care who you are’.”Aung Myint was 15 when soldiers arrested him and his friend at a train station one evening. “I asked – why do you arrest me?” he says. “I told them I work for the Yangon city development committee but they said, ‘We don’t care who you are’.”
Threatened with prison unless he complied, Aung Myint had little choice. “I had to go, because they were stronger than me,” he says.Threatened with prison unless he complied, Aung Myint had little choice. “I had to go, because they were stronger than me,” he says.
Four months later he was sent to the frontline, fighting ethnic Kachin separatists near the mountainous Chinese border, where he was assigned to patrol the military camp. Aung Myint says he did not see active combat, but many child soldiers in Burma do.Four months later he was sent to the frontline, fighting ethnic Kachin separatists near the mountainous Chinese border, where he was assigned to patrol the military camp. Aung Myint says he did not see active combat, but many child soldiers in Burma do.
Charu Lata Hogg, Asia programme manager at Child Soldiers International, says: “Because children are deployed as adults, they are used to carry weapons, detonate landmines and work as porters. They are exposed to active fighting and [can] sustain serious physical injury.”Charu Lata Hogg, Asia programme manager at Child Soldiers International, says: “Because children are deployed as adults, they are used to carry weapons, detonate landmines and work as porters. They are exposed to active fighting and [can] sustain serious physical injury.”
In a country where mobile phones have only now started to become accessible to the population, it was impossible for Aung Myint to contact his family. Letters sent home never arrived. “They spent so much money trying to find me,” he says. “They thought I had died.”In a country where mobile phones have only now started to become accessible to the population, it was impossible for Aung Myint to contact his family. Letters sent home never arrived. “They spent so much money trying to find me,” he says. “They thought I had died.”
Five years later he escaped, but was forced to hide whenever military police came to arrest him and threaten his family. Eventually, he secured a protection letter from the ILO, which proved that he had been illegally recruited and provided a measure of protection.Five years later he escaped, but was forced to hide whenever military police came to arrest him and threaten his family. Eventually, he secured a protection letter from the ILO, which proved that he had been illegally recruited and provided a measure of protection.
Half of those released last month were awol cases – boys like Aung Myint, who had escaped the military but were living in fear of arrest. Their release marks a significant milestone for the military, which has now acknowledged that an illegally recruited minor cannot be charged with desertion. However, the return home – with or without a formal discharge – is only the first step.Half of those released last month were awol cases – boys like Aung Myint, who had escaped the military but were living in fear of arrest. Their release marks a significant milestone for the military, which has now acknowledged that an illegally recruited minor cannot be charged with desertion. However, the return home – with or without a formal discharge – is only the first step.
While some children have been tricked or trafficked into service, others enter by choice, escaping violent homes, or persuaded by parents seeking a better income. If communities have not understood that underage recruitment is illegal, their return may be seen as a mark of bad behaviour, or an unwelcome cessation of earnings.While some children have been tricked or trafficked into service, others enter by choice, escaping violent homes, or persuaded by parents seeking a better income. If communities have not understood that underage recruitment is illegal, their return may be seen as a mark of bad behaviour, or an unwelcome cessation of earnings.
“Sometimes the families are not happy to have them back, and that causes issues,” Marshall says. “There can also be a negative response to returned soldiers from the local communities.”“Sometimes the families are not happy to have them back, and that causes issues,” Marshall says. “There can also be a negative response to returned soldiers from the local communities.”
Just like thousands of other children across Burma, former child soldiers are hampered by a system that offers scant access to education, few vocational training opportunities and no social protection. Despite recent reforms, Burma remains one of south-east Asia’s poorest countries, and serious change will require a huge investment of time and resources.Just like thousands of other children across Burma, former child soldiers are hampered by a system that offers scant access to education, few vocational training opportunities and no social protection. Despite recent reforms, Burma remains one of south-east Asia’s poorest countries, and serious change will require a huge investment of time and resources.
As young boys may be a household’s main breadwinner, the pressure to find work quickly can be overwhelming, says Laura Payne, child protection adviser for Save the Children in Burma.As young boys may be a household’s main breadwinner, the pressure to find work quickly can be overwhelming, says Laura Payne, child protection adviser for Save the Children in Burma.
“A lot of children don’t access secondary education, because there is a pressure to support the family economy,” she says.“A lot of children don’t access secondary education, because there is a pressure to support the family economy,” she says.
Such children instead end up sacrificing longer term investments in their future through education or training for the urgent daily subsistence wages of unskilled, casual labour. Yet it is vitally important, says Payne, “not just to paint them as victims”.Such children instead end up sacrificing longer term investments in their future through education or training for the urgent daily subsistence wages of unskilled, casual labour. Yet it is vitally important, says Payne, “not just to paint them as victims”.
Aung Myint, Maung Maung and Than Htet, who are all members of a former child soldiers group, work within their local community to teach people that underage recruitment is illegal and help others who have been recruited.Aung Myint, Maung Maung and Than Htet, who are all members of a former child soldiers group, work within their local community to teach people that underage recruitment is illegal and help others who have been recruited.
Than Htet escaped this year thanks to the efforts of the group, which managed to track him down and secure a protection letter from the ILO, seven months after civilian traffickers sold him into the armed forces.Than Htet escaped this year thanks to the efforts of the group, which managed to track him down and secure a protection letter from the ILO, seven months after civilian traffickers sold him into the armed forces.
Having returned home, the trio can now get on with their lives. Maung Maung is lucky: he has his ID card, and can use it to secure a regular job. Aung Myint works as a motorcycle driver, and waits for the day when he can get formally released and look for something better. He hopes to train in electronics and eventually open a shop.Having returned home, the trio can now get on with their lives. Maung Maung is lucky: he has his ID card, and can use it to secure a regular job. Aung Myint works as a motorcycle driver, and waits for the day when he can get formally released and look for something better. He hopes to train in electronics and eventually open a shop.
Than Htet, however, has other matters on his mind. When asked what his plans are, he smiles and says: “I am getting married in April.”Than Htet, however, has other matters on his mind. When asked what his plans are, he smiles and says: “I am getting married in April.”
• Dani Patteran is a pseudonym