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Hong Kong and Tiananmen Protests Have Major Differences Hong Kong and Tiananmen Protests Have Major Differences
(about 17 hours later)
The protests in Hong Kong have drawn comparisons to the massive student-led movement that occupied Tiananmen Square in Beijing in 1989. While the Chinese flag flies over Hong Kong, the demonstrations there spring from a very different political system influenced by the British, who ruled the territory from 1841 until 1997.The protests in Hong Kong have drawn comparisons to the massive student-led movement that occupied Tiananmen Square in Beijing in 1989. While the Chinese flag flies over Hong Kong, the demonstrations there spring from a very different political system influenced by the British, who ruled the territory from 1841 until 1997.
Q: Is this going to be another Tiananmen?Q: Is this going to be another Tiananmen?
A: Like Beijing in 1989, it is students who are the heart of the protest movement in Hong Kong. And there are other similarities.A: Like Beijing in 1989, it is students who are the heart of the protest movement in Hong Kong. And there are other similarities.
Demonstrators in Hong Kong are engaged in a peaceful extended protest in the heart of a Chinese city.Demonstrators in Hong Kong are engaged in a peaceful extended protest in the heart of a Chinese city.
They have focused their derision on the city’s chief executive, Leung Chun-ying, and have called for his resignation. In 1989, the focus of ire was Prime Minister Li Peng, who had declared martial law.They have focused their derision on the city’s chief executive, Leung Chun-ying, and have called for his resignation. In 1989, the focus of ire was Prime Minister Li Peng, who had declared martial law.
The Communist Party’s flagship newspaper, People’s Daily, published a front-page editorial 25 years ago denouncing the Tianamen movement. On Thursday the paper warned that Hong Kong would “fall into chaos” if the protests were not “dealt with according to law.”The Communist Party’s flagship newspaper, People’s Daily, published a front-page editorial 25 years ago denouncing the Tianamen movement. On Thursday the paper warned that Hong Kong would “fall into chaos” if the protests were not “dealt with according to law.”
But there are major differences.But there are major differences.
Beijing is the capital of China, and the protests in 1989 were intensely embarrassing for its leadership, coinciding with a historic summit meeting with the Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev.Beijing is the capital of China, and the protests in 1989 were intensely embarrassing for its leadership, coinciding with a historic summit meeting with the Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev.
Hong Kong is more than 1,200 miles away from Beijing. And in the ensuing quarter-century, China’s economy has globalized. Hong Kong is China’s financial window to the world, and any violent crackdown in Hong Kong would have stark effects on financial markets around the world and could hurt China’s economy.Hong Kong is more than 1,200 miles away from Beijing. And in the ensuing quarter-century, China’s economy has globalized. Hong Kong is China’s financial window to the world, and any violent crackdown in Hong Kong would have stark effects on financial markets around the world and could hurt China’s economy.
Q: How much control does Beijing have over Hong Kong?Q: How much control does Beijing have over Hong Kong?
A: That is possibly the biggest difference of all between the events of 1989 in Beijing and what is happening in Hong Kong this week. Hong Kong belongs to China, but it has different laws. It is an arrangement called “One country, two systems.” Freedom of speech, assembly and religion and a free press are all enshrined in Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, the Basic Law, drafted to govern the city of 7.2 million upon its return to Chinese sovereignty in 1997. Hong Kong residents are guaranteed those rights until 2047, and a legal system inherited from the British helps keep it intact. Those are rights the students demonstrating in Tiananmen Square never had. A: That is possibly the biggest difference of all between the events of 1989 in Beijing and what is happening in Hong Kong this week. Hong Kong belongs to China, but it has different laws. It is an arrangement called “One country, two systems.”
Lately, however, Chinese officials, including President Xi Jinping, have been reminding Hong Kong that the first clause, “One country,” is in Beijing’s eyes more important than the second. Hong Kong is not an independent country. It does not have ambassadors, and the People’s Liberation Army garrisons troops in the city. Any changes to the Basic Law require ratification by the country’s legislature, the National People’s Congress, which is controlled by the Communist Party. Freedom of speech, assembly and religion and a free press are all enshrined in Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, the Basic Law, drafted to govern the city of 7.2 million upon its return to Chinese sovereignty in 1997. Hong Kong residents are guaranteed those rights until 2047, and a legal system inherited from the British helps keep it intact. Those are rights the students demonstrating in Tiananmen Square never had.
Lately, however, Chinese officials, including President Xi Jinping, have been reminding Hong Kong that the first clause, “One country,” is in Beijing’s eyes more important than the second.
Hong Kong is not an independent country. It does not have ambassadors, and the People’s Liberation Army garrisons troops in the city. Any changes to the Basic Law require ratification by the country’s legislature, the National People’s Congress, which is controlled by the Communist Party.
Q: What set off the protests?Q: What set off the protests?
A: On Aug. 31, the National People’s Congress Standing Committee proposed strict limits on democratic reforms to voting in Hong Kong. The committee demanded procedural barriers for candidates for the city’s leader that would ensure Beijing’s influence. For a candidate to appear on the ballot for chief executive, he or she would have to get more than half the votes of the nominating committee, which would be identical to the election committee that had picked previous chief executives. This ensures that only candidates approved by Beijing would be nominated. A: On Aug. 31, the National People’s Congress Standing Committee proposed strict limits on democratic reforms to voting in Hong Kong. The committee demanded procedural barriers for candidates for the city’s leader that would ensure Beijing’s influence.
For a candidate to appear on the ballot for chief executive, he or she would have to get more than half the votes of the nominating committee, which would be identical to the election committee that had picked previous chief executives. This ensures that only candidates approved by Beijing would be nominated.
Article 45 of the Basic Law, which was ratified in 1990, states that Hong Kong’s chief executive should eventually be chosen “by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures.”Article 45 of the Basic Law, which was ratified in 1990, states that Hong Kong’s chief executive should eventually be chosen “by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures.”
British colonial governors were picked by London, and, since the handover 17 years ago, Hong Kong’s chief executives have been chosen by a small group dominated by Beijing loyalists. The current chief executive, Mr. Leung, was elected in 2012 with 689 votes from an election committee of fewer than 1,200 people. In 2007, the People’s Congress ruled that in 2017, the chief executive could be chosen by universal suffrage — one person, one vote.British colonial governors were picked by London, and, since the handover 17 years ago, Hong Kong’s chief executives have been chosen by a small group dominated by Beijing loyalists. The current chief executive, Mr. Leung, was elected in 2012 with 689 votes from an election committee of fewer than 1,200 people. In 2007, the People’s Congress ruled that in 2017, the chief executive could be chosen by universal suffrage — one person, one vote.
The decision in August to limit, not expand, access to the election provoked pro-democracy activists.The decision in August to limit, not expand, access to the election provoked pro-democracy activists.
For more than a year, an eclectic group including university professors, Christian evangelicals, students and some lawmakers in Hong Kong’s Legislative Council had warned Beijing that if it set rules for the elections that did not comply with internationally accepted norms for free and fair elections, they would engage in nonviolent protests.For more than a year, an eclectic group including university professors, Christian evangelicals, students and some lawmakers in Hong Kong’s Legislative Council had warned Beijing that if it set rules for the elections that did not comply with internationally accepted norms for free and fair elections, they would engage in nonviolent protests.
Beijing did not blink. Now, the movement, called Occupy Central With Love and Peace, in coordination with student groups, is carrying out that threat.Beijing did not blink. Now, the movement, called Occupy Central With Love and Peace, in coordination with student groups, is carrying out that threat.
Q: Are people trying to find a way to resolve this?Q: Are people trying to find a way to resolve this?
A: On Thursday night in Hong Kong, Mr. Leung said he would assign his deputy, Chief Secretary Carrie Lam, to meet with student leaders. Earlier that day, Ms. Lam met with a group of pro-democracy and pro-Beijing lawmakers. Mr. Leung, however, made it clear that he was not resigning and that any discussions on deepening democracy in Hong Kong would have to comply with the guidelines set by China’s National People’s Congress.A: On Thursday night in Hong Kong, Mr. Leung said he would assign his deputy, Chief Secretary Carrie Lam, to meet with student leaders. Earlier that day, Ms. Lam met with a group of pro-democracy and pro-Beijing lawmakers. Mr. Leung, however, made it clear that he was not resigning and that any discussions on deepening democracy in Hong Kong would have to comply with the guidelines set by China’s National People’s Congress.