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Hong Kong’s protests cast a shadow across Asia Hong Kong’s protests cast a shadow across Asia
(35 minutes later)
HONG KONG -- Last Thursday as tens of thousands of pro-democracy demonstrators massed in Hong Kong's streets, a parallel rally took place 500 miles to the east in Taipei, the capital of Taiwan. Thousands of Taiwanese chanted "Go Hong Kong" in a public park and held up banners in support of Hong Kong's students seeking democratic reforms in the Chinese territory. One banner read, "Today Hong Kong, Tomorrow Taiwan," echoing a larger fear among Taiwanese of what may happen to their island's democracy should it reunify with China in decades to come.HONG KONG -- Last Thursday as tens of thousands of pro-democracy demonstrators massed in Hong Kong's streets, a parallel rally took place 500 miles to the east in Taipei, the capital of Taiwan. Thousands of Taiwanese chanted "Go Hong Kong" in a public park and held up banners in support of Hong Kong's students seeking democratic reforms in the Chinese territory. One banner read, "Today Hong Kong, Tomorrow Taiwan," echoing a larger fear among Taiwanese of what may happen to their island's democracy should it reunify with China in decades to come.
Hong Kong's protests may be fizzling out -- on Monday, crowds at the main protest site around the government's headquarters were sparse -- but their cause has resonated elsewhere in a region where Beijing looms large. "We know we're not alone," said Quincy Fung, a student protester in Hong Kong's Admiralty district, on Saturday night. "We know that there are many people nearby who have our same hopes for democracy and anger with the communists in Beijing."Hong Kong's protests may be fizzling out -- on Monday, crowds at the main protest site around the government's headquarters were sparse -- but their cause has resonated elsewhere in a region where Beijing looms large. "We know we're not alone," said Quincy Fung, a student protester in Hong Kong's Admiralty district, on Saturday night. "We know that there are many people nearby who have our same hopes for democracy and anger with the communists in Beijing."
The student-led occupations began after it became clear that China's rulers had no intention of allowing Hong Kong the right to full democracy. In 2017 elections, voters in the city will only be able to choose from a slate of candidates vetted in Beijing. The student-led occupations began after it became clear that China's rulers had no intention of allowing Hong Kong the right to full democracy. In 2017 elections, voters in the city will only be able to choose from a slate of candidates vetted in Beijing. The former British colony returned to China in 1997, but maintained its own political structure and civic freedoms under a pact dubbed "one country, two systems." Beijing's critics in Hong Kong fear it is trying to dismantle that understanding.
Hong Kong has long had an image of being a peerless financial center, a rock of stability and rule of law amid the corruption and political turmoil that exists elsewhere in Asia. While many of the protesters' demands have gone unmet, their non-violent uprising has signaled the emergence of a new generation of politicized youth in this bustling city of 7.2 million people.Hong Kong has long had an image of being a peerless financial center, a rock of stability and rule of law amid the corruption and political turmoil that exists elsewhere in Asia. While many of the protesters' demands have gone unmet, their non-violent uprising has signaled the emergence of a new generation of politicized youth in this bustling city of 7.2 million people.
And their efforts have been noticed. Unlike in mainland China, state media controlled by Vietnam's authoritarian communist government published numerous articles about the Hong Kong protests, including an extensive profile of 17-year-old Hong Kong protest leader Joshua Wong. Relations between Hanoi and Beijing have been rocky, with the two governments sparring over longstanding territorial disputes in the South China Sea.And their efforts have been noticed. Unlike in mainland China, state media controlled by Vietnam's authoritarian communist government published numerous articles about the Hong Kong protests, including an extensive profile of 17-year-old Hong Kong protest leader Joshua Wong. Relations between Hanoi and Beijing have been rocky, with the two governments sparring over longstanding territorial disputes in the South China Sea.
In the Philippines, protesters also rallied in solidarity with Hong Kong's demonstrators last week and picketed the Chinese consulate in Manila. But the government soon issued a stern warning to the many Filipinos working in Hong Kong to avoid protests and potential arrest. Filipinos and Indonesians make up the vast majority of the city's more than 300,000 domestic workers, a workforce that remains, legally and socially, something of an underclass in Hong Kong.In the Philippines, protesters also rallied in solidarity with Hong Kong's demonstrators last week and picketed the Chinese consulate in Manila. But the government soon issued a stern warning to the many Filipinos working in Hong Kong to avoid protests and potential arrest. Filipinos and Indonesians make up the vast majority of the city's more than 300,000 domestic workers, a workforce that remains, legally and socially, something of an underclass in Hong Kong.
The Hong Kong democracy protests illustrate a strange irony: Some of the students at occupy sites, fighting for democracy, have been raised by domestic workers who come from societies with far greater political freedoms. "My boy is out there in the protest," said Jozy Subag, 38, a Filipina maid who spend a day off on Thursday with friends in a public park not far from the Hong Kong government headquarters, which was then blockaded by protesters. Subag was referring to the son of her employers. "I don't want to get involved, but I think it's good he cares so much about democracy," she said.The Hong Kong democracy protests illustrate a strange irony: Some of the students at occupy sites, fighting for democracy, have been raised by domestic workers who come from societies with far greater political freedoms. "My boy is out there in the protest," said Jozy Subag, 38, a Filipina maid who spend a day off on Thursday with friends in a public park not far from the Hong Kong government headquarters, which was then blockaded by protesters. Subag was referring to the son of her employers. "I don't want to get involved, but I think it's good he cares so much about democracy," she said.
That sentiment was probably not shared by officials in Singapore, a city-state that is often likened to Hong Kong. A modest solidarity protest last week saw a few hundred people turn up in support of Hong Kong's protesters. Not long thereafter, reports emerged of Singaporean police questioning foreigners who attended the rally. It's hard to imagine Singapore allowing the type of demonstrations that took place in Hong Kong. Its authoritarian government makes such mobilizations far more difficult and the city's civil society and media are far more fettered than their equivalents in Hong Kong.That sentiment was probably not shared by officials in Singapore, a city-state that is often likened to Hong Kong. A modest solidarity protest last week saw a few hundred people turn up in support of Hong Kong's protesters. Not long thereafter, reports emerged of Singaporean police questioning foreigners who attended the rally. It's hard to imagine Singapore allowing the type of demonstrations that took place in Hong Kong. Its authoritarian government makes such mobilizations far more difficult and the city's civil society and media are far more fettered than their equivalents in Hong Kong.
But the place where the shadow of Hong Kong's protests falls farthest and darkest is, of course, China. Beijing's leadership appears unable to countenance such a challenge to its authority and the mainland media's blackout of coverage of the protests speaks to its perpetual paranoia. Restive populations in the western regions of Xinjiang and Tibet present a permanent security conundrum to Beijing, while thousands of mini-uprisings and protests against local corruption and inequities take place every year in China.But the place where the shadow of Hong Kong's protests falls farthest and darkest is, of course, China. Beijing's leadership appears unable to countenance such a challenge to its authority and the mainland media's blackout of coverage of the protests speaks to its perpetual paranoia. Restive populations in the western regions of Xinjiang and Tibet present a permanent security conundrum to Beijing, while thousands of mini-uprisings and protests against local corruption and inequities take place every year in China.
Kenneth Roth, the director of Human Rights Watch, suggested why Beijing may be so spooked:Kenneth Roth, the director of Human Rights Watch, suggested why Beijing may be so spooked:
The terrifying thought in Beijing: that Hong Kong's discontent with its autocratic rule is parelleled thruout #China. http://t.co/ftSVoxxwzs— Kenneth Roth (@KenRoth) October 6, 2014The terrifying thought in Beijing: that Hong Kong's discontent with its autocratic rule is parelleled thruout #China. http://t.co/ftSVoxxwzs— Kenneth Roth (@KenRoth) October 6, 2014
The terrifying thought in Beijing: that Hong Kong's discontent with its autocratic rule is parelleled thruout #China. http://t.co/ftSVoxxwzsThe terrifying thought in Beijing: that Hong Kong's discontent with its autocratic rule is parelleled thruout #China. http://t.co/ftSVoxxwzs
Most of Hong Kong's protesters aren't interested in affecting radical change throughout China. But the legacy of their protests may extend much further than the streets they occupied for one tumultuous week.Most of Hong Kong's protesters aren't interested in affecting radical change throughout China. But the legacy of their protests may extend much further than the streets they occupied for one tumultuous week.